The Initial Presiding Officer:

Twenty-two Members have submitted applications to speak on the Adjournment. As agreed by the Committee to advise the Initial Presiding Officer, and as indicated to Members in All-Party Notices, Ministers and party Leaders are excluded from the selection process, as are all Members who have already made a substantive contribution to debate in the Assembly Chamber. On this agreed basis 11 exclusions were made. Eleven Members therefore remained, six being chosen to contribute today with the widest possible range of parties being represented after the exclusions to which I have referred were made.

Motion made:

That the Assembly do now adjourn. - [The Initial Presiding Officer]

 

Hill-top Observation Posts
(South Armagh)

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Mr McNamee:

Go raibh maith agat a Cheann Chomhailre Sealadaigh agus a Bhaill den Tionól. I want to speak about demilitarisation - or the lack of it - throughout the North, and the problems that are caused by military installations and British Army activity. Military installations are not, of course, the only manifestation of a military presence. Other aspects of the issue are the 134,000 licensed firearms in the North and a heavily-armed RUC. It is a police force in name, but it is armed with automatic assault rifles, rubber bullet guns and armoured vehicles. Additionally, a wide range of emergency powers are still in place and are still used.

Each of those aspects of militarisation will have to be dealt with in the context of the implementation of the Good Friday Agreement. That is, of course, if the two Governments and all the parties intend to implement that Agreement in its entirety. However, the most visible and intrusive aspect of the militarisation of the North is the presence of military installations, especially in border areas. Fortifications, the concentration of helicopter activity, and the associated British Army patrols cause concern and grievance to many citizens in the North, including those who live in blocks of flats.

Mr Hussey:

Does the Member accept that some places in my area are affected and that consideration could be given to turning them into tourist attractions?

Mr McNamee:

I am aware of a gentleman who believes that there may be some merit in maintaining installations as a historical record, not because of their attraction, but to preserve the heritage of the time. I disagree with his view, and I shall explain why.

The presence of British soldiers, their installations and their helicopters are a source of daily annoyance. People expected to see a change in their lives with the endorsement of the Good Friday Agreement, but many have seen no change whatever in terms of the militarisation of their towns, villages and countryside. In some border areas, people have perceived an increase in British Army activity over the past 12 months, and especially in the past three or four months.

In Derry, fortifications remain at the Letterkenny Road, the Culmore Road and at Killea. I drove through Rosslea in County Fermanagh to Bundoran the week before last. Rosslea is a small country village, and within 500 metres of its centre, there are three military checkpoints with towers that dominate the village.

A journalist described them as ugly, khaki, concrete and steel structures. I tried to imagine what it would be like for tourists or visitors from Bundoran coming through Belleek. The first thing they see is one of these installations, which appear to be unoccupied. There is no sign of life, only steel structures, ramps, steel barriers, cameras and pill boxes. I concluded that the visitors would probably turn back and stay in Bundoran.

I was informed recently that there has been significant activity in the Sixmilecross and Dromore areas of County Tyrone in the last 10 days. In particular, two Sinn Fein Councillors received marked attention when, during the night, low-flying helicopters passed over their homes several times.

People in these areas, and especially those in the Clogherny, Altamuskin, Moy and Pomeroy areas of Tyrone feel that the Good Friday agreement is being ignored. However, the area which has the greatest concentration of these installations located on hilltops and mountaintops is South Armagh, which is part of the constituency which I represent.

I want to tell the Members who may not have first-hand knowledge of that part of the country what it is like and what impact these installations have on people's daily lives. Is áit álainn í Deisceart Ard Mhacha.

South Armagh is a beautiful area. South Armagh is an area of drumlins and mountains and has been designated an area of outstanding natural beauty by the Department of the Environment. The distance from Newry to Cullaville is about 18 miles. Within that 18 miles there is a proliferation of hilltop spy-posts and military bases on the mountains of Cloghoge, Camlough, Lislea and Forkhill, on the hilltops of Drummuckawall, Glassdrumman and others. That is in addition to three major military bases in the villages of Bessbrook, Forkhill and Crossmaglen.

Indeed in that small region there are 33 installations. These are ugly structures of concrete and steel, perched on the most prominent places on the tops of hills and mountains in otherwise beautiful countryside. They are visually intrusive and intimidating.

Local councillors face serious difficulty when representing people applying for planning permission to erect dwellings in these areas. Severe restrictions are imposed. Even those who have been brought up on farms in the area cannot obtain planning permission to erect a dwelling on their own property.

These spy-posts have been erected without any consideration being given to the impact on the countryside and without taking on board the views of landowners, residents or public representatives. It is not only the visual impact of their physical presence but it is their associated equipment. All these installations have a range of high-powered cameras, infra-red equipment and listening equipment. Residents justifiably feel that they are being watched and listened to in their own homes day and night. Indeed, that is the purpose of these posts - to spy on people.

Mr Weir:

Will the Member acknowledge that had it not been for the activities of his cohorts in the IRA that none of these installations would have been necessary in the first place?

Mr McNamee:

That is a political argument for why these installations are there. We are dealing with the present situation, the implementation of the Agreement and the quality of life of people in a particular part of the North of Ireland.

It is very well for Members who live in places like Bangor, Portstewart, Portrush or even Banbridge. They do not understand what it is like to live in an area of such intense military activity in the presence of these installations.

For the people of South Armagh, Big Brother is not a fantasy from a science-fiction novel. It is a daily reality. Baineann an ábhar seo le cúrsaí sláinte chomh maith, de thairbhe go mbíonn tionchar ag na rudaí seo ar na daoine siúd atá ina gcónaí in aice leo.

On the issue of health there is a concern about the concentration of these installations, the equipment associated with them and the levels of electromagnetic radiation emitting from them. It may not have been established with any scientific certainty that there is a risk to health from these emissions, but neither has it been ascertained that there is no risk.

It is a similar case to that of the erection of telecommunication masts for mobile phones. It has not been established with any certainty that there is a risk to people's health, but neither has it been established that there is no risk.

Some mobile phone companies have a policy of prudent avoidance, and they agree not to erect a telecommunications mast within 500 metres of schools, hospitals or private dwellings. However, the installations I am referring to are, in some cases, only a few feet from people's homes, and, whether the risk is real or perceived, they remain a source of anxiety and concern for the people who live in close proximity to the equipment.

5.30 pm

The Initial Presiding Officer:

Can you bring your remarks to a close please.

Mr McNamee:

I seem to have run out of time, clearly through the good manners of giving way, but I will try to finish as soon as I can.

There is a range of associated matters which I have not even touched on - for example, helicopter activity and the difficulties for farmers in these areas raising livestock. Under the terms of the Good Friday Agreement there should be a normalisation of security arrangements and practices for the development of a peaceful environment.

The British Government have a responsibility to publish an overall strategy dealing with the reduction in numbers of members of the armed forces and the removal of security installations and emergency powers. I think the Assembly should influence the Secretary of State to publish such a report, which should concentrate on those areas most affected, areas like South Armagh. Go raibh maith agaibh.

The Initial Presiding Officer:

I want to make a point of order, and then I will call Mr Wells.

Mr McNamee quite rightly pointed out that when interventions are taken they, in effect, come out of the time of the Member who is making the speech. That is distinct from points of order, which are not taken out of the Member's time. The reason is that the Member may refuse to take an intervention - albeit, as was indicated, that that is sometimes perceived to be discourteous - but not a point of order. I have to take points of order, and so that is not taken out of the time of the Member who is making a speech. As we are all learning, there is no harm in pointing these things out. I am grateful to you, Mr McNamee.

Mr Hussey:

When Mr McNamee was speaking I had difficulty hearing him, but I quite clearly heard the intervention from this side. Could our technical people keep an eye on the sound equipment?

The Initial Presiding Officer:

I am grateful to you, Mr Hussey, for that advice. We are feeding back any information of that kind to our technical people as best we can.

 

Misuse of Fireworks

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Mr Wells:

All that I can guarantee this evening is that there will be some fireworks in my speech. It cheered up what was promising to be a rather drab holiday in Spain last week when one of the party staff rang to tell me that I had been successful in the ballot.

I had found a secluded little beach on the north shore of Majorca, but what was ruining my holiday was that the first group of German tourists I encountered was led by a guide who bore an uncanny resemblance to Mr David Ervine. Even worse was to follow: the next group had someone in it who was the spitting image of Mr Alban Maginness. This was not a pretty sight, and it almost ruined my holiday. But at least the phone call from the party official to tell me that I had been successful cheered me up no end.

It is 16 years since I stood in the old Assembly to raise the subject of the plight of retained firemen in my constituency of South Down. It is a pleasure to be back all these years later to raise a similar issue: the misuse of fireworks in Northern Ireland. The life of hundreds of people, the unemployed, the disabled, pensioners, pet owners and shift-workers is being made a misery by the misuse of fireworks.

I will just give you a few examples of the misuse that I have encountered in my constituency and elsewhere. It is not unusual for thugs, as young as nine, to pop bangers through the letter boxes of pensioners. In an incident in Dungannon two weeks ago, youths tied fireworks to a cat, which died an agonising death in the ensuing explosion. In Ballynahinch, the trick is to put bangers into metal dustbins or oil tanks. These explode creating fear and anxiety for people who believe that a bomb has gone off and rekindle many of their old memories of when bombs did go off in that town.

Another so-called trick of the trade is to put a banger into a milk bottle and put it in a pensioner's garden, so that, when it explodes, the glass will fly everywhere, terrorising all around. All of this is totally needless. To make matters worse, hundreds, if not thousands, of police man-hours are wasted following up complaints about fireworks.

Mr Campbell:

Before Halloween next year, we should ask the RUC to ensure that the imported fireworks that are currently being sold illegally at street markets are tracked down, and that the importers and distributors of such fireworks are apprehended and brought before the courts.

Mr Wells:

I entirely agree with the Member's comments, although my proposal is more radical. We should return to the situation that we had in this province for a quarter of a century, and reinstate the ban on the use of fireworks. That ban was very successful in bringing the problem under control.

For most of my life, the use of fireworks was banned, but I do not feel deprived because of that. I spoke to my children, the oldest of whom is 13, about this issue last week, and they said they had never handled a firework, or seen a banger or firework other than at an organised display. They do not feel that their lives are any poorer because of it.

Suddenly, following the ceasefire in 1994, the Government decided, although there was no public pressure, to abolish the ban on fireworks. I am not a killjoy, because, even when the ban was in place people could apply for licences and organise public displays. District councils and charities such as the National Trust ran public firework displays, so that those who enjoyed fireworks could see them in safety.

Mr Shannon:

Does the Member not accept that, if fireworks are used correctly and under supervision, there is no problem? In many cases, it is more suitable for children to have a fireworks display in their back garden under the supervision of parents and responsible adults. I would not agree with the Member's proposal.

Mr Wells:

The old legislation still allowed the individual who wanted to have a firework display to apply for a licence and hold that display in his garden. I am not trying to stop people enjoying fireworks, but anyone doing constituency work in any estate in Northern Ireland knows the seriousness of the problem. The lifting of the ban on fireworks has caused a flood of dangerous, illegal fireworks to come on to the market, and many of them are being sold at Sunday markets.

Yesterday the RUC impounded a van full of fireworks at Nutts Corner market. Floods of illegal fireworks are now on the market. The problem more and more serious and it is resulting in unnecessary misery.

We should look again at a ban such as that which applied for 25 years. The only people who were putting pressure on the Northern Ireland Office to remove the ban were those who had a vested interest in the sale of these materials. There is evidence that sinister individuals are behind the illegal trade in fireworks. These people are going to the markets, filling their car boots with fireworks, and selling them on estates to children as young as nine. There may be many children today who still have all their fingers and toes, thanks to the ban. Because of the ban many young people have been protected from injuries to their faces and eyes. A great deal of good has come from it.

I have written to the Chief Constable to find out how serious the situation is. I have met the divisional commanders in my area, and they tell me that their officers are plagued by this problem and that it has started much earlier this year than in previous years. It has been going on for at least two months and may well run past the traditional Halloween/Guy Fawkes night period.

By raising this issue today I hope not only to reiterate the complaints that I have received from people throughout my constituency but also to test the water - to see if I am being a killjoy by suggesting that we go back to the ban and if a ban would meet the needs and demands of many thousands of ordinary people in this province. I suggest that if this House should ever have the power to legislate on the fireworks issue, consideration should be given to a Private Member's Bill to reinstate the ban.

If by reinstating a ban we could stop the misery that has been inflicted on the elderly and disabled - even in my constituency, South Down - or if we can save one child from losing an eye or a finger or several fingers, then it will all have been worthwhile. That is what we are here to do - represent the people - and this is the one issue in South Down that I am getting more complaints about than any other.

 

Education

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Mr Weir:

Due to the lateness of the hour I will try to keep my remarks brief, and despite the fact, or perhaps because of it, that the topic I want to deal with lies within the field of education, I promise the House that I will not be inflicting any more poetry on it today.

It is generally accepted that education has been underfunded for years. This has been acknowledged by the current government, and throughout the United Kingdom, education is one of the areas which has been given priority under the comprehensive spending review.

I specifically want to talk about the underfunding of preparatory schools. Members may feel that this is not a worthy cause. Some may even feel that, given the spending constraints on education, the funding of preparatory schools would be an appropriate area where cut backs could be applied. However, in education, as in many areas of politics, appearances can be deceptive, and perceptions can be wrong.

The impetus for reducing funding for preparatory schools has arisen most recently out of a report entitled 'Employment Equality - Building for the Future' produced by the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights. One section of the Report which deals with education refers to the need to cut back on the funding of preparatory schools. This is referred to as a transfer of money to middle-class parents.

If you look at one of the footnotes to that Report you would come closer to the truth, as it refers to the fact that all of the preparatory schools are Protestant ones used by middle-class Protestants. Middle-class Protestants are more especially a section of the community which is well beloved, and it is no great surprise that the Standing Advisory Commission on Human Rights targeted such a group.

As a result of the report, the comprehensive spending review proposed to reduce the level of funding for preparatory schools from 40% of teacher costs down to 20% and gradually to phase the funding out altogether. There was such an outcry against this proposal that the Government withdrew it and proposed a 30% level of funding - a reduction from 40% to 30%. This reduced level of funding has had severe implications for a number of schools already.

At the beginning of this year, 25 schools were affected. Of those, one has already closed down - the preparatory department at Ballyclare High School. The preparatory department at Rainey Endowed School has sent a letter to the parents of its pupils indicating that it will be closing with effect from June 2000. Two out of 25 preparatory departments have gone, and it is only a matter of time before the long-term implications of this policy will mean that a number of others will have to close - several are already under severe threat.

5.45 pm

The reduction in funding has meant that it is no longer economically viable for many parents to send their children to prep schools. That, together with closures, will lead to a greater exodus from the prep schools. As a result, instead of the state providing 30% or 40% funding, it will have to provide 100% funding for those pupils who have to transfer to state primary schools. The one-tenth reduction means that the Government are spending considerably more on funding those pupils. The benefits of a small saving are far outweighed by the number of pupils who are forced to enter state primary schools.

The system operates against the benefits that are intended by the Labour Government who, presumably, aim to create a more egalitarian society and see the prep schools as akin to the private schools on the mainland. Prep schools are very much like ordinary primary schools, and are subject to normal school inspections by the Department and all other criteria apply to them.

The reduction in funding for prep schools will, in the long term, lead to the closure of many of them and the development of a small independent sector wholly funded by parents. The result will be a small, private school sector where none previously existed. That is the opposite of what the Labour Government have in mind.

We must get away from the notion that parents who send their children to prep schools are all rich. Many ordinary parents are making sacrifices to send their children to prep schools, and they are being most affected by the cuts in education funding. My opposition is also on educational grounds. Children's lives are being disrupted as they are withdrawn from schools and as schools close. Pupils have to be transferred to other schools and some teachers' jobs will be lost. The proposals are ill-advised.

The Department of Education should restore funding to 40%, which is not excessive. By asking for a review of this decision, the parents of pupils at prep schools are not seeking any special treatment. All that they want is equity and fair play, and surely that is not too much to ask. I urge the Government to review their decision immediately.

The Initial Presiding Officer:

The last time we had an Adjournment debate of this kind there were three requests. The first was that all Members, and not just those who were successful, should be informed. As Assemblyman Wells pointed out, we have to go to some lengths to inform some Members that they have been successful - as far as the Balearic Islands, I understand, in his case.

Secondly, we wrote to all Members as well as contacting them by telephone. Thirdly, we undertook to post a list of the questions and the speakers on the notice board. Some Members have asked about the list, which suggests to me that it was not on the notice board. I have had the Second Clerk check, and I understand that, due to an oversight, the list of speakers and the list of the six questions is not on the notice board. I apologise for that, and I assure Members that that will be rectified on the next occasion.

 

Education Needs (Strangford)

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Mrs I Robinson:

I want to raise an issue of great importance in my constituency of Strangford. I failed to secure an Adjournment debate at the previous sitting to speak on this matter. However, it is no less relevant today. I want to bring to the attention of the House the scandal of the lack of capital funding for Castle Gardens Primary School in Newtownards.

I welcome the fact that the press has taken an interest in the issue and that some papers have covered it in detail. I have compiled a document, which I have sent to the Minister, inviting him to investigate the matter.

I have 368 reasons for pursuing this matter today. That is the number of children who attend Castle Gardens Primary School. Like Victoria Primary School in Newtownards, Castle Primary School was built in the last century - in 1882 in fact. Like Victoria Primary School it is literally falling apart. I want to describe what it is like.

Castle Gardens has an excellent and dedicated staff. While we were on holiday, they were back at school not to do lessons, but to try to paint over the fungus and damp stains covering the walls in preparation for the new school year. The teachers bought wallpaper to cover the walls where the plaster was falling off. This was funded out of their own pockets - that is dedication.

Half the school is made up of mobile classrooms which are so rotten that pupils and staff have actually fallen through the floors. The roofs have sagged so much that one classroom has a post in the middle of it to hold the ceiling up. The rooms are so small and the classes so big that the fire escapes are obstructed. If fire extinguishers were placed where they ought to be, the children could not pass without banging into them. They have had to be taken down and set elsewhere, and that rather defeats the purpose.

We have heard of the bag ladies in America. We have them here at Castle Gardens Primary School - but with a difference. The teachers have to carry their class books in bags because there is absolutely no storage space in the mobiles.

If all of this sounds bad, the main building is no better. All the walls are cracked and plaster is bursting off them because of damp. Not one part of the school has been painted in 24 years. Indeed, a former pupil who is now teaching there, is working in her old classroom - which has not been touched since she left 17 years ago.

Naturally conditions are far worse now than when she was a pupil there. Corridors do not exist separately from the classrooms. You get to where you want to go by walking through the classrooms. Windows have long ceased to open because of the damp. Condensation runs down all the walls, and the children's coats usually have a damp and fusty smell coming from them, because they are hung on these damp walls. If the doors are kept open it stops the floors becoming slippery, but then the rooms are too cold to sit in. The toilets smell continually because of drainage problems, and, despite all efforts, nothing can be done to eliminate this problem. Perhaps the most bizarre fact is that the pipes taking the rain water off the roof actually run down the inside of the classrooms - which adds to the condensation problem.

Outside we have an even bleaker picture. The school sits beside a canal, which is nice, until the water level rises and the playground becomes a swimming pool. Since we have a lot of rain in our province the playground is frequently flooded and the children are denied space to play. The only way in which the water can get away is by soaking away, which means that it lies all the longer.

It has long been accepted, in principle, that this school should be replaced. Land has been set aside for appropriately six years, and plans are already drawn up but the Department of Education refuses to release the money for this to happen. Perhaps if some in the Department were to leave their carpeted offices and mahogany desks and actually visit schools like Castle Gardens and Victoria, they would be less keen to throw money at politically correct schools which siphon off money from those in the state sector.

I have no difficulty in supporting integrated schools. However, they should fall in line with all the other schools and wait their turn for funding. It is unjust that special treatment be given to integrated schools. It is especially so when we see the awful conditions in a large number of state schools which are bypassed because a handful of parents get together and seek to establish an integrated school.

A Member:

Will the Member give way?

Mrs I Robinson:

I will not give way.

With regard to Castle Gardens Primary School, the Minister's recent statements suggest that he and his Department accept, in principle, the need for a replacement school and that it will be given priority. However, more than acceptance is required. The proof will be the go-ahead for a new school. If this is not approved, then the Minister is not being truthful.

I have already said to the Minister "Visit these schools and then do what is right for these pupils." I should point out that despite the conditions I have outlined, at least 65% of those sitting the 11-plus will pass. That is due to the overwhelming commitment and dedication of the staff. I am not asking for anything special for the pupils and teachers of Castle Gardens Primary School; I want them to have equal treatment. No child in an integrated school, a Catholic school or a state school should be exposed, during primary education, to these conditions. No teacher should be asked to work in such squalid conditions. What message are we sending to the people of Newtownards when we ask them to tolerate this situation? It is time for action.

Another item linked to education is the dreadful situation facing the special schools which are operating without the full-time back-up of trained nursing staff. Some years ago the South Eastern Education and Library Board and the Eastern Health and Social Services Board gave an undertaking to share the cost of providing trained nursing staff. To date nothing has been done.

I have written to the Health Minister as it appears that the Eastern Health and Social Services Board is responsible for the delay. I trust he will treat this matter urgently and resolve it forthwith. Why should children with the greatest need be treated in this shameful way? These are children with severe physical and mental disabilities. Some have to be fed through tubes into their stomachs, while others have catheters to deal with.

If Members were to visit Tor Bank Special School, a few hundred yards away, they would see at first hand the sterling work carried out by the dedicated staff, despite the fact they are not qualified nurses. This is an area where all parties can lend their support and, I hope, put pressure on the Minister to resolve the problem expeditiously.

 

European Union: Surplus Food

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Mr McCarthy:

The subject on which I am about to speak causes me a great deal of anger and deep annoyance. I am grateful for this opportunity today to describe a callous decision by the British Government, our Government, to withdraw surplus food from the most needy in society. This food has been available to such people for years through the European Union surplus food initiative.

When I heard about this proposal I said "No, surely not?" This country is now being run by the British Labour Party - new Labour. We dispensed with the Conservative Government some 18 months ago. For over 18 years, they had the reputation of being ruthless and uncaring, as far as the ordinary man and woman were concerned, and we are all aware of the unnecessary suffering caused by that regime.

We presently have a Labour Administration, and I welcomed its election to office. I felt that it was long overdue and that at last the needs of the ordinary people would be addressed. Now we have been told that new Labour is ready to dump, destroy, withdraw and do away with something that put food into empty stomachs. Why? Apparently to save on administration costs. They would rather burn the stuff than see it go to where it is needed.

6.00 pm

I hope Members will support me in saying that it will be a shame on the Labour Government, on the Minister responsible for this madness and on Tony Blair if this scandalous proposal is put into action thereby allowing our fellow countrymen, women and children to go hungry simply because the government are not willing to pay for the distribution of this surplus food.

The scheme, which is backed by the European Union, has been ongoing since 1987 and it has been supported by the uncaring Conservative Government and every European Union Government over those years. It has been appreciated by many people, and I pay tribute to the many voluntary organisations and individual volunteers who, over the years, have given their time to distribute the food to all those people who were entitled to it.

For a period I too would have spent a Saturday afternoon delivering meat and butter to people living in the rural areas who had no way of getting into the village. I can assure Members that those people were extremely grateful for what they received.

I am sure every Member is aware that there are still hungry people throughout the British Isles. During my stay in central London, when the talks were held in Lancaster House, I could not believe the number of hungry and desolate men and women huddled in the entries and doorways of the main streets of the capital. At times voluntary groups would come by and provide them with a hot meal. The same thing happens in many other towns and cities where unfortunate people look on this food as a lifeline; indeed, as a godsend.

What will happen to these people when this source of food is withdrawn by the Government? This proposal simply cannot be allowed to go unchallenged. If this new Labour Government has any soul or sympathy, it must show it and scrap this proposal.

As there should now be an increase of surplus food, the Government ought to be planning extra distributions to those in need. I hope a message from the Assembly will go to the Department responsible. Rather than incinerate or destroy perfectly good food, ways should be found to use it for the benefit of the hungry.

There is so much terrible hunger and starvation across the world - we see on our television screens millions of people, including children, starving in the Sudan, in Ethiopia, Bangladesh and many other places. Why in God's name cannot Europe get this surplus food dispatched to where it is needed? It is a sin, for the Government to propose to burn food when there is so much hunger and despair in the world. I hope that by raising this important subject today, the decision to withdraw the food will be reversed immediately.

Finally, I was disgusted to receive a reply recently from Lord Dubs on this important subject. He stated that he appreciated that the Government's decision would cause disappointment, but that it was the view that the scheme did not provide good value for money, or achieve its primary objective of making serious in-roads into the tonnage of United Kingdom beef held in intervention. Perhaps he should ask those who were extremely grateful to receive the food. Surely Governments have a duty to feed the hungry, be it at home or abroad. To incinerate or destroy perfectly good food is wrong, totally wrong.

The message from the Assembly today must be for the Government to cancel their proposal and try harder to get this food to where it is most needed. Any Member of the Assembly may in the future be in a position of authority and I hope no Member will ever bring forward a proposal to destroy good quality food here.

 

Drug Abuse and Education

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Mr Boyd:

The illicit use of drugs has been growing steadily in Northern Ireland over the last four years, and there have been a variety of responses to the situation.

We know that illicit drug use is by no means confined to Northern Ireland, but there has perhaps been some complacency in the knowledge that matters here are not as bad as elsewhere - for instance, Great Britain, the Republic of Ireland, Western Europe and the United States are all seen as having a worse problem.

It is the growth of our own problem that should be of concern to us all. The drug culture knows no boundaries, and there are certain similarities wherever it has taken root.

But what is the extent of the drug problem in Northern Ireland? In 1991 there were 51 registered addicts, but by 1997 this figure had more than trebled to 162; between 1990 and 1995, 24 people had died from drug abuse in Northern Ireland; and between 1991 and 1995, a further 20 people had died from solvent abuse.

Drug taking here is different from that in the rest of the United Kingdom. Here, the most commonly used illegal drugs are cannabis, LSD, speed and Ecstasy.

There is also the problem of solvent abuse among young people.

There is evidence to show that the proportion of young people who have been offered drugs has increased over the last four years. In 1994, 1150 fifth-formers were asked about their experiences of illicit drugs - forty-two per cent had been offered drugs and 26% had used drugs or solvents. Up to a third of young people may have experimented with illegal drugs. As the parent of a young teenager this statistic worries me greatly. Also of great concern is the increasing use of alcohol and tobacco among young people.

Why do young people try drugs? Many of us may remember the reasons why we first tried a cigarette or a drink when we were teenagers. These reasons are the same today: to look grown up, to take a risk, out of curiosity, or because friends are doing it. However, these reasons now apply to illegal drugs as well. A growing number of young people in Northern Ireland take drugs regularly, and a percentage of them will become dependent.

All drug use involves risk, but what are these risks? There are four main areas. The first is the physical risks. These depend on the type and strength of the drug, the amount taken and the person taking it. The range of effects includes a change in heart rate and blood pressure, exhaustion, collapse and in some cases, death. Physical dependence occurs when the body actually wants the drug. If the drug is not provided, withdrawal symptoms will occur - for example, stomach cramps, sweating, sleeplessness or anxiety.

The second area is the psychological risks. The effects include a reduction in self-confidence, feelings of inability to cope, anxiety and panic. These feelings can be quite mild or extremely frightening and can continue for several days after use. In some cases lasting psychological damage will take place. Some will depend on drugs to cope with life.

The third area is the social risks. These include difficulties with families and friends or poor performances at school, college or work. Drug taking can lead to involvement in anti-social activities such as joyriding and burglaries. Users may also make unwise decisions concerning their sexual behaviour.

The fourth area is the legal risks. This includes being convicted of a drug offence. But young people may also be convicted of being involved in petty crime to fund their drug taking. The resultant criminal record can affect the young person's life in many ways - for instance, it may affect future job prospects or entry into certain countries.

What drugs are around in Northern Ireland today? A cannabis deal costs around £10 in Northern Ireland. In 1997, 37 kgs of cannabis was seized in Northern Ireland; in 1995, more than four times that amount was seized - 160 kgs. LSD, more commonly known as acid, has an average cost of £5 in Northern Ireland. Ecstasy, which is mainly associated with the rave and all-night disco scene, is selling in Northern Ireland at anything from £15 to £25. In 1991, the Royal Ulster Constabulary seized 2,711 Ecstasy tablets; in 1995, they seized 50 times that amount - almost 137,000 Ecstasy tablets.

At present there would not appear to be an injecting drug culture in Northern Ireland. However, the possibility of increased heroin and cocaine use must not be ignored. The Royal Ulster Constabulary's Chief Constable stated recently that he feared increased heroin use could lead to a rise in general crime.

What is currently being done to resolve the problem? In 1995, the Central Co-ordinating Group for Action Against Drugs was set up by the Government with consultancy support and advice was provided by the medical profession, the Royal Ulster Constabulary and others as necessary. In October 1996 the Northern Ireland drugs campaign was launched and is making a difference. There are three key aims in the campaign against drugs, the first of which is a reduction in supply.

Activities to control or reduce the supply of illicit drugs can be categorised as reducing supplies at the point of origin; controlling supplies at the point of entry; and controlling distribution. These are the domain of the enforcement agencies - the Royal Ulster Constabulary and HM Customs and Excise. There were 453 arrests for drug offences in 1991; in 1995 the number was 1,558.

I appeal to the public to continue to help the Royal Ulster Constabulary in its fight against drugs. To reduce demand we must stop people experimenting with drugs in the first place; delay the onset of experimentation; reduce the number of people who take drugs and, ultimately, stop drug-taking completely. That will be achieved by education in schools, particularly at an early stage; by the education of parents and by education by various statutory, voluntary and charitable bodies, such as the Youth Council for Northern Ireland. We must also increase the awareness of national and regional help lines.

The third key is treatment and rehabilitation. The family doctor can either treat the users or refer them to a specialist agency. Drug counselling services may be contacted directly, or users may be referred to them by agencies such as Social Services, Probation, police and family doctors. From 1994 the drugs squad of the Royal Ulster Constabulary may refer young people to a counselling agency. Psychiatric hospital treatment will normally be arranged through the family doctor. Hospital rehabilitation takes place in a drug-free environment in which people are helped to live without drugs.

The use of illicit drugs is one of the most serious problems in Northern Ireland, especially for our young people. I call on the community to support the Royal Ulster Constabulary in helping in bringing to justice the people who are involved in this evil within our society because that will create a better and healthier environment for everyone. "Hear hear".

The Initial Presiding Officer:

The meeting of the Committee to Advise the Presiding Officer was scheduled for 6.30 pm but it will now be held at 6.45 pm.

Adjourned at 6.12 pm.

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