As Members will know, I am a former member of the Royal Ulster Constabulary, as was my father before me. My youngest son is a reserve constable. It is appropriate that I should say something on the motion, and I hope that what I say will be of some value.

Contrary to some fears, the level of recorded crime is fairly static, and the year-on-year increase over the past 12 months is almost nil. When I was chief executive of the Housing Executive I was conscious of the fraudulent use of tax certificates. Therefore I was heartened to read last week that the PSNI team, which has spent many months investigating this issue, has now traced over 100 people who are involved in this deplorable crime in Northern Ireland. These people extracted more than £10 million from taxpayers. However, the case is sub judice, so I will say no more about it, but I am certain that there will be prosecutions.

More than 70% of crime in the Province is drugs related. The use of drugs has an enormous impact on young people. However, the number of violent crimes, while recently on the decrease, is shocking compared with the levels we suffered when I was in the RUC. Leaving aside terrorist killings, murder is now almost a weekly occurrence in Northern Ireland. Thirty years ago it was so rare that the names of the victims were imprinted on the public mind.

Undoubtedly, the fear of crime is great, but it is disproportionate to the real risk. Public concern is focused on the PSNI's woeful 27% clearance rate. I note the point that has just been made from the SDLP Benches, but the rate is still very low. The clearance rates for burglary, criminal damage and robbery are especially worrying at less than 15%. The number of investigations into terrorist killings that lead to prosecution is also extremely low, although, as much as anything else, that probably reflects failures in our criminal justice system, gaps in the legislation and communities' fears of reporting paramilitaries.

I can support the motion. It is succinct and lays the blame where it should be laid. Sinn Féin's attitude to the PSNI is as deplorable as its attitude to the Omagh investigation and nearly as bad as its mealy-mouthed attitude to the gardaí. I am glad that nearly 95% of voters in the Republic saw through Sinn Féin's attitude to the gardaí.

Sinn Féin deliberately adopts an "impossibilist" position. Its vision of a police force or police service bears no relation to any police force in the world. It seems to think that policing should be a branch of the Department of Health and Social Services. However, anyone with any experience knows that a police force is a necessary evil that must strike a balance between coercion and accountability. Sinn Féin forgot to add certain words to its amendment; I point that out as an important factor in the decision that it may make. It should have added six important words: "Get rid of the Special Branch".

In principle, there is nothing wrong with the SDLP's amendment. We should all be able to support the vision of a police service contained in the Belfast Agreement. Those of us on this side of the House, especially perhaps, believe that the RUC was, and is, a fine force and one that did its best to fulfil the aims of the agreement in extremely difficult circumstances.

The problem with the SDLP's amendment is that it seeks to commit a deliberate evasion. It fails to name the guilty party in the Chamber. That is why the Ulster Unionist Party, while sharing the SDLP's vision of a first-class police force, will abstain on the SDLP's amendment. I see no reason why the SDLP cannot support the motion today, and I look forward to hearing some further explanation as to why it will not.

I support the motion. The decent law-abiding people of Northern Ireland have had to endure a huge increase in crime as a direct consequence of the Belfast Agreement. This is hardly surprising, given that the Belfast Agreement is a corruption of democracy and the rule of law.

The Belfast Agreement has destroyed the Royal Ulster Constabulary and reduced policing resources significantly. At the same time, illegal terrorist organisations have been able to strengthen their structures and carry out their criminal activities due to the early release of hundreds of their members, many of whom committed the most heinous crimes.

Thirty-one terrorists freed under the Belfast Agreement have been returned to prison for their criminal activity. One such individual who had been released early and has since been returned to prison is a double murderer who was recently convicted of a sex attack in Belfast.

Released prisoners have been seen on the streets of Belfast during recent rioting. One such individual observed by members of the security forces at recent riots in Ardoyne is the Republican Sean Kelly, who murdered nine innocent Protestants on the Shankill Road. That is clearly a breach of his early release licence. The majority of the 31 prisoners who have been returned to jail have been accused of criminal offences such as theft and assault.

It is nauseating to hear IRA/Sinn Féin express concerns about human rights. No group continues to abuse human rights more than IRA/Sinn Féin. IRA/Sinn Féin have murdered over 300 police officers and injured many thousands more during the past 30 years. Everyone, except the naive and gullible, knows that IRA/Sinn Féin are not committed to the principles of exclusively peaceful and democratic means.

The Provisional IRA, which is inextricably linked to Sinn Féin, continues to be fully armed and has enough explosives and ammunition to murder everyone in Northern Ireland. There has been no decommissioning of illegal weapons and no disbandment of the Provisional IRA. All we have are meaningless statements. In fact, there is clear evidence that the IRA is heavily involved in gunrunning.

The Provisional IRA continues to murder, bomb, gather intelligence, deal in illegal drugs and carry out beatings and shootings, including attacks on children. The IRA is heavily involved in the abuse of social security payments, illegal livestock trade, evasion of tax and VAT, tobacco and alcohol smuggling and duty evasion, illegal fuel, insurance and compensation fraud, money laundering, cheque and credit card fraud, electoral fraud, motor vehicle licensing fraud, extortion, counterfeit goods, vehicle theft, armed robbery, hijacking and many other criminal activities.

What are the human rights of the innocent victims of such crimes? Have the Government cracked down hard on illegal organisations? Not at all: the opposite has happened. A self-confessed leader of the Provisional IRA, Martin McGuinness, boasts of his criminal activity, yet, disgustingly, he was made Minister of Education by the pro-agreement Members. What sort of example is that to young people? Is it any wonder that many young people turn to crime when they see the likes of Martin McGuinness in the Government of Northern Ireland?

It is little wonder that Sinn Féin is opposed to the rule of law when the Provisional IRA has such a huge criminal empire. The IRA murders Catholics who join the police - what about their human rights?

It is regrettable that there has been a huge increase in crime in Unionist areas as policing resources have been decimated by the implementation of the Patten report. We have lost hundreds of experienced professional and long-serving officers as a result of political expediency, and their expertise is gone forever.

At 11pm a week ago last Saturday, I contacted Newtownabbey police station on behalf of a constituent. Newtownabbey has a major police station serving a population of approximately 81,000. However, no one above the rank of constable was in the station. Neighbourhood beat officers have been moved to other duties and no longer walk the beat.

The reduction of policing resources throughout Northern Ireland has resulted in a large increase in crime and a lack of resources for bringing the guilty to justice. There is a daily catalogue of crime, including armed robberies, burglaries, assaults, attacks on the elderly, vandalism and anti-social behaviour.

A few months ago in my street in Newtownabbey, an elderly lady was robbed on her way to church on Sunday morning. Throughout Northern Ireland pensioners are being robbed in their homes. The brutal murder of Joshua McClenaghan in south Antrim in March this year is a graphic illustration of the depravity of the people carrying out these crimes.

Businesses and retail outlets are robbed regularly, leaving staff, including young people, traumatised for a long time. Then many shop owners have to endure intimidation, threats, assaults and demands for payment of so-called protection money from Republican and so-called Loyalist paramilitary organisations. Decent law-abiding people are fed up with such illegal activity.

In Newtownabbey alone, Translink has suffered damages of £100,000 as a result of attacks on its vehicles in the past 12 months. Every weekend, new bus shelters are smashed in a litany of vandalism. Seven bus shelters were smashed in close proximity in one night.

The Government's response to the crime wave is to consider the closure of around 17 police stations and the removal of a permanent policing presence from many areas. Members are irresponsible when they tell people not to provide information to the police about the Omagh bomb and other crimes.

Illegal terrorist organisations set themselves up as judge, jury and executioner. They have murdered drug dealers and other criminals - some within their own organisations - but the Government bury their head in the sand and describe such activity as "housekeeping".

The courts must also get tough with criminals. The punishment should fit the crime and be a deterrent to others. I publicly condemn the comments of the vice-chairman of the Policing Board, Denis Bradley, for stating that ex-terrorists should be allowed to join the police. That is a corruption of democracy and the rule of law. Equally corrupt is the prospect of IRA/Sinn Féin taking seats on the Policing Board and controlling the forces of law and order.

The "Defend the RUC" pledge and declaration states:

Regrettably, such structures exist, and the ultimate corruption of the integrity of the rule of law will occur when IRA/Sinn Féin takes up positions in such structures in the near future after it gains more concessions from a weak Government.

I have high personal regard for Sir John Gorman and the service that he, as a former member of the RUC, and his family have rendered to the community. However, his assertion that crime is static does not hold up. The figures contained in the Chief Constable's report to the board, which was made available at the beginning of the month, clearly demonstrate that that is not the case. As Sammy Wilson pointed out, the overall detection rate when compared with last year dropped from 27·5% to 18·8%. The rate has decreased substantially in all but one area, in which there was a marginal improvement of 0·2%.

There is no doubt that police in any jurisdiction need two things to sustain their success: first, they must have adequate resources and numbers; secondly, they must have good morale and must believe that their service is worthwhile and that they have the respect of the people on whose behalf they put their health, lives and bodies at risk. In both respects, the RUC suffered because of the Patten Commission. Now, as the Police Service of Northern Ireland, its numbers have been significantly reduced and the morale of those who serve in it has been seriously damaged.

For example, within the past six months, I had a meeting with the senior officer for the north Down area. Notionally, he should have between 280 and 290 constables to cover the area. Of that number, 40 took redundancy under the Patten Report and have not been replaced and 55 are on special static duty and look after notables and those who, despite the ceasefire, apparently require 24-hour guard. A further 60 are on long-term sick leave - that is they have been sick for more than 12 months. That figure does not include those who have taken significant sick leave within that period. The figures total 155, which means that under 50% of the allotted staff are available for police duties.

A consequence of that is that Holywood, a quiet town with good community relations, has been turned into Tombstone or Abilene. There have been three bank robberies. During a robbery of the Ulster Bank in Church Road, the getaway car was blocked in by a car that had been double-parked. One can walk comfortably from the police station to the site of the robbery in less than five minutes, but it took the police so long to arrive that the robbers managed to extricate themselves and the getaway car and make good their escape. That is only one example of under-policing as a result of Patten.

We have heard much factual detail about the difficulties and hardships suffered by people as a result of the rising tide of criminality. I want to address some of the fundamental principles behind that tide. Fergus Finlay - a one-time special political adviser to Dick Spring; no longer of pious and immortal memory in the political scene - said at the time of the negotiations that without Sinn Féin any agreement would not be worth a penny candle. The day after the joint Downing Street declaration was issued, in an address to the nation, John Major said that the only people who could give peace were the armed men of violence.

The result of that for the British Government, as far as the Belfast Agreement was concerned, was not a political settlement, but conflict resolution between the British state and armed and violent Republicanism. The price that the British Government paid was political and policing institutions that were essentially transitional in nature. Sinn Féin was promised that it would be given what it wanted as long as it did not bomb the mainland and ceased its activities so that the business and commercial communities could be bribed with the prospect of enriching themselves.

The result is that since 1998 Nationalist and Loyalist communities in public housing areas, whether Poleglass or Ballybeen or Kilcooley, have been subjected to the rule of terrorists, paramilitaries and criminals who are responsible for a great percentage of rising crime.

Some months ago there was a debate in this Chamber that was not about policing: it was about the implementation of agreements said to have been reached at Weston Park. Mark Durkan, the Deputy First Minister, told the House that two senior officials in the British negotiating party told him that the reason that his proposals were not being implemented and that Sinn Féin's might be was because he had no guns. The issue of policing is directly connected to the possession of arms and the arsenal of terror.

The two main objectives of a paramilitary terrorist organisation such as Sinn Féin/IRA have been, first, to keep possession of the means of terrorising those whom it wishes to bend to its objectives and, secondly, the destruction of any force that might be an effective counter-terrorist organisation. Those are the twin aims of Sinn Féin/IRA. It wishes to retain the arsenal with which to threaten British Administrations so that they will meet its demands and to destroy whatever police force there is.

Those who take time to read the opening paragraphs of the Patten Report will find that, curiously, Mr Patten confirmed that the broad acceptance rates of the RUC were higher throughout the entire community than those of any continental police force. That is amazing when one recalls that that force, which had 301 dead, 8,000 seriously injured and a multitude of others scarred mentally and physically, was awarded the George Cross. That was rather like being awarded the Victoria Cross on the first day of the battle of the Somme and then being shot on the sixth day for cowardice. That is what happened. The George Cross was the pay-off for destroying the record and service of a proud force.

All of that might have been remotely justified if what had been put in its place was a more effective, efficient and acceptable police force that was reducing crime. Although one could argue that many of the factors giving rise to crime pre-dated Patten, as I said in my question to Mr Attwood, Patten was supposed to be the great cure-all.

Patten was supposed to be the herald of the reforms that would see an effective, acceptable police force that would be capable of reducing crime. Instead, we have a police force that is undermanned, undernourished, with a much reduced morale, faced with a rising tide of crime not a falling tide. What does the SDLP offer? It offers the old principle of "live, horse, and you will get grass". It says that some time in the future all those marvellous promises and reforms will result in fewer elderly pensioners being beaten up in their homes, fewer young people being killed by joyriders on the roads, fewer violent robberies, fewer murders and fewer sex crimes. We shall see - but it is quite plain that that is not the case.

For many years, the SDLP refused to endorse the RUC despite the losses that the police were suffering, despite the RUC's record in bringing to justice a far higher percentage of so-called Loyalist terrorists and criminals than Republican, and despite the fact that some of its members had also suffered death and injury at the hands of the Loyalist organisations.

All crime is not attributable to Sinn Féin or Republicans. A very significant amount of crime is attributable to the activities of Loyalist paramilitaries, some of whom are represented or fronted in this House by the PUP. We could talk about the PUP/UVF in the same way that we talk about Sinn Féin/IRA. The terminology would be equally appropriate, but the principles for which I contend, and which I hope the motion will inspire, are equally applicable to both. The only reason that there is emphasis on Sinn Féin is that it has far greater political representation; it has far greater political clout, and it has been promised a great deal. It is right that we should send a message from the Assembly that Sinn Féin is not only not welcome here while it is inextricably linked to armed terrorists, but that it has no place in a democracy in participation either on the Policing Board or on the local police boards.

I believe in redemption. I believe that those who give up their criminal activity, who dissociate themselves entirely from terror, who evidence it by their works as well as their words, should be accepted into the company of democrats. I have no truck with Members of Sinn Féin in this House or with Loyalist paramilitaries, but the day that they give firm evidence that they are no longer committed, in any way, to criminality and terror, I shall welcome them - even though I am opposed, in principle, to this form of devolution. However, until then, they must be treated like the pariahs they are. I encourage all Members to support the motion.

I open my comments by touching on the two amendments. The Sinn Féin amendment is unsurprising in its "Gerry in Wonderland" predictability. It is a Republican wish list of what they want for policing, but it does not even call on people to support the police. If Members read it carefully, there is no call to support, or join, the police.

This comes from a party that is in Government, which is absolutely ridiculous, and yet will not put its name to a motion that calls for support for the police. If we think for one moment of the import of that decision, people will realise the terrible state of affairs that we have come to in this country. There is no such thing as neutrality on the issue of law and order. There is no neutral gear, because if you do not support the police, you support crime and those who are engaged in it.

We see the supporters of crime and their activity daily. For the past four months, business in my Colleague Mr Campbell's council chamber in Londonderry has consistently been disrupted by Provisional IRA/Sinn Féin activists. They prevent council business from taking place because they are opposed to policing in Northern Ireland.

The second proposed amendment - the SDLP amendment - is slightly better in that it calls on parties to participate in policing, and that is a welcome change from previous SDLP policy. It has been stated, during this debate and previously, that we welcome the fact that the SDLP has come to a position of political maturity where it does support the police, and it should be congratulated for that.

However, I have to comment on some of the points that Alex Attwood, the Member for West Belfast, made in his criticisms of Sinn Féin. He said that the geographical distribution of people joining the police dismisses the Sinn Féin argument. I wish that the Nationalist community were more supportive of the police than Mr Attwood hopes they are. The recruitment figures in Newry, Armagh and west Belfast are not as hopeful as they might have been. Alex Attwood and his Colleagues must show leadership in those areas to encourage people to support the police. Mr Attwood referred to Nuala O'Loan's report. The Policing Board did not support that report; it set it aside, and he should be honest about that. If he wants to admit that he let her down, so be it, but he set the report aside. In those circumstances he ought to be careful when he addresses the issue of policing.

The two proposed amendments avoid the issue, and Sir John Gorman put his finger on it when addressing that matter. I am disappointed by the SDLP's woolliness and by its failure to focus on placing the blame. I am also disappointed that, together, the two amendments are peddling a sectarian line that is poorly conceived in human rights jargon. It is about an anti-police line - anti-Special Branch and anti-Protestant-members-of-the-Police-Service, if they had the guts to say so - and it comes from parties that have been on record as referring to the police as "pigs" outside Policing Board meetings. That is the anti-police stance taken by certain Members. If they could get away with it, they would say it in the amendments to my Colleague Mr Sammy Wilson's motion.

In supporting the motion, I draw the House's attention to three incontrovertible facts. First, there is increasing crime. Of that there is no doubt. Statistics for 2001-02 show that there were 123,269 crimes in Northern Ireland, and in the previous year there were 110,421. That is a substantial increase that we cannot get away from. In his most recent report, in May 2002, the acting Chief Constable said that the recorded crime figures for the period would undoubtedly be revised upwards. The trend is not static; it is increasing.

Secondly, detection rates are falling. Two years ago almost 30% of crime was detected, and last year it was only 18%. In April 2002 the Assistant Chief Constable for Greater Belfast, Mr Alan McQuillan, said in the 'News Letter' that police detection rates are plummeting in Northern Ireland. He went on to say that while the level of service is dropping, detection rates are plummeting. Put those two facts together and one can see why that is. When there is a deficit of almost 2,000 police officers in Northern Ireland, it is no wonder that detection rates have dropped considerably. The House must realise that there is a crisis in policing that is aided and abetted by terrorists being at the heart of Government. It would be a dereliction of the Assembly's responsibilities if it failed to acknowledge that that crisis exists.

I will quote from crime statistics given to members of the Policing Board this month, because they knock on the head any notion, such as the view of Mr Attwood, that the Assembly should look at those figures frankly and fully. If the Assembly looks at those figures frankly and fully, it will see that crime detection figures are down in every sector. There were 22,000 offences against the person this year. Only 44·6% of those crimes were detected. Last year, 60% were detected. The detection rate for sexual offences is down by 20%. Burglary has become a major problem across the Province - there were 15,000 last year. The detection rate for burglaries has plummeted from 14% last year to 9% this year. There were 37,000 thefts recorded this year, and the detection rate has dropped from 20% to 12%.

I could continue through every category. The ability of the police to detect crime has dropped. I am sure that there are Members of the House, such as the 18 who sit under the Gallery opposite, who applaud the fact that the police can no longer detect crime. That is a major success for Sinn Féin, which undermines policing here by encouraging people to support a shocking and shameful process that has reduced the Police Service by 2,000 members in the past year.

I am also concerned that the Northern Ireland Office has tried to gloss over the major crime problem here. It recently published its organised crime task force's report. When the Police Service gets it right, it should be applauded, but it is getting it right in fewer cases now than ever before. That is a sad reflection on its ability to do the job that people expect of it and want it to do. The reason it is not able to do its job is that it does not have enough officers. I must emphasise for the record that the Police Service should be congratulated when it gets it right, because it is an excellent public service, and the sooner it is given the resources, manpower and capability to take on and tackle criminals, the better. One of the major reasons why there is so much crime is that not only is manpower down, but resources are also down. The police are currently operating on an operational deficit of around £15 million. It is up to the NIO to fill the pot.

The third factor in the debate is that the Assembly must condemn Sinn Féin/IRA for the stance it has taken. I welcome the fact that the Ulster Unionist Party, the United Kingdom Unionist Party and the Northern Ireland Unionist Party are supporting the motion. The Assembly must lay the blame where is should be laid. The attitudes of Sinn Féin Members to the police are clear from the records of the House.

Mr Molloy says that if Sinn Féin does not get what it wants, it will go back to what it does best. In the past 30 years, what Sinn Féin/IRA has done best, in its eyes, is murder and mayhem, bombing and killing. The leader of the Provisional IRA/Sinn Féin, Mr Gerry Adams, has said that he will treat the police in the same way that the Catholic community treated the RUC. What a terrible indictment by the leader of a party that is in government. Will Sinn Féin treat the police as it has done for the past 30 years, by attacking, shooting and killing them?

The Chief Constable's crime statistics show that there have been 113 attacks, principally organised by Republicans, on individual police patrols in the past year. Mr Adams's comment, when considered in the light of the increased attacks on police officers, highlights the bankruptcy of our political movement, particularly when people attempt to justify the election of that organisation to the Government of Northern Ireland.

Sinn Féin hands out medals of support to the IRA scum who killed and bombed police officers in this community. It is little wonder that the crime crisis is worsening. The organisation dares to be in government while refusing to support the police. Those attitudes ought not to be compatible, and it is a shame that some believe that they are. Sir John Gorman said that the electorate in the Republic saw through Sinn Féin; I only wish that certain people in this House would see through them. The sooner they do so, the more quickly we will be able to deal with crime.

It is often implied in debates on this subject that, although crime is still committed, it is less serious than it has ever been, and we no longer face terror crime. However, the IRA remains armed and capable - as do Loyalist paramilitaries - of continuing the job that it did before. The Chief Constable's most recent report shows that munitions finds were higher when the Government were not pressing for decommissioning than they are now. The police have been unable to recover as many munitions during this period of peace as they did while we were told that a war was going on.

In the past year, 939 organised terrorist offences, designed to overthrow democracy and to ruin this state, were recorded. Failure to support the motion will be applauded by criminals throughout Northern Ireland, because they will see that some people in one section of the community are prepared to turn a blind eye to their criminality in the name of some political shibboleth. We must smash that shibboleth, because if we fail to do so, we will fail to send out a message that this House is opposed to crime and its causes. I support the motion.

Policing is of major and relevant concern to the Assembly, especially given that 10 Members sit on the Policing Board; albeit only three of the four parties so entitled have taken up their seats. Some still shirk their public responsibility regarding policing; the SDLP does not. Patten recommended strongly that community-centred policing should be a major priority in developing and promoting the new policing policy agenda.

Policing is a core public service that involves everyone in Northern Ireland. It has always been a difficult and controversial issue, particularly because of the major political difficulties regarding the operation of government structures in the past. Policing can only be effective when all sections of the community are involved in, and can identify and feel comfortable with, all structures of government, including a regional police service.

Although the SDLP recognises that past, it also acknowledges that there have been changes. The Good Friday Agreement provided a template for policing. The Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) came into being in April 2002, and already there have been new recruits. Two batches of probationary officers are now in the mainstream service. Those young men and women chose a Police Service career. They must be respected and supported in that work.

Every Member should stand up for the fundamental human right to choose a career or job without fear or intimidation. Young Nationalists who choose a career in policing must be allowed to realise their ambition and be respected in the exercise of that freedom. There must be no implied criticism of their wish to be police officers and no prevarication or threat to its achievement. Policing is a noble career for those who choose it.

Without exception, the human rights of young people who choose a career in policing entitle them to respect. Sinn Féin has no right to victimise Nationalists or Catholics who join the PSNI. The last phrase of the amendments put forward by Sinn Féin and by the SDLP is "which conforms with Human Rights norms." Let us practise what we preach.

As I said earlier, policing has always been a vexed and difficult issue. Historically, political structures did not enjoy widespread support or allegiance. Consequently, policing was a casualty from the outset. The last 30 years of conflict emphasised that. The Good Friday Agreement, however, and the constituent part which relates to policing, offers a clear way forward. The policing problem was tackled by providing for the establishment of the Independent Commission on Policing for Northern Ireland. Patten issued a comprehensive report and a route map for better policing in Northern Ireland. Patten's parameters and recommendations are the primary agenda for change, leading to the ultimate objective of an impartial, professional and widely accepted Police Service that delivers effective policing to communities across the region.

I accept that there is a rise in ODC. That term means "ordinary, decent crime" and I do not like it. Our communities experience difficulties and want more effective and efficient community-based policing to tackle them and to treat all sections equally. The new policing structures offer the best opportunity and potential to realise that objective. However, it requires positive commitment and work from all of us to achieve it.

Policing is a major and challenging issue in every part of the western world. It was a Victorian concept and it was hierarchical. Like everything else, however, it must evolve and change. Modern societies require greater involvement of communities in the policing system. For that reason, the SDLP believes in the merits of district policing partnerships, which afford an opportunity to bring police closer to communities. I am convinced that communities - Nationalist and Unionist - want such partnerships to realise effective community policing.

The SDLP's amendment is comprehensive and reflects the spirit of the community, which yearns for effective policing.

The motion does not have any bearing on my ministerial responsibilities. My remarks, therefore, are made as a private Member.

Like my Colleague, Sir John Gorman, I have no difficulty in supporting the motion. I suspect that crime figures are similar to unemployment figures. From time to time, the measure is changed and the numbers appear to alter, but whether they have increased, stayed the same, or been re-based, the level of crime is unconscionably high. That should be of great concern to the Assembly. Crime detection levels are also unsatisfactorily low.

The figures for Northern Ireland must be considered in the context of crime figures in the rest of the United Kingdom and the Republic of Ireland. Rising crime rates are a serious and widespread problem, in which drugs play a considerable part. Nonetheless, the scale of the problem is of great concern to me and to society. It will require a determined effort from political parties, civil society, the police force and the judiciary to get to grips with the problem. Given that criminal law is a reserved matter, significant initiatives cannot be generated from here, although we can agitate for suitable initiatives.

Inevitably, the DUP and other parties to my right have tried to blame the Belfast Agreement for increasing crime levels. It is a familiar tune, which they have been singing for some time. Anyone who has studied the affairs of our Province over the past 30 years will know that when the new Secretary of State arrived at Belfast International Airport in June 1997 and said that she was going to reform the RUC, we feared the worst. Knowing the political journey of that particular Secretary of State, we feared that the outcome would be worse than our worst fears. Therefore, the appropriate response - the response taken by the Ulster Unionist Party - was to go into damage limitation mode. Given that the Government were bent upon reforming the RUC, it was best to circumscribe those reforms and ensure that the Government were given as much advice as possible while they were evolving them.

That is why the Ulster Unionist Party sought, in the Belfast Agreement, to set terms of reference for the review of policing that was going to occur whether there was an agreement or not. It is a matter of great regret to us, and something for which we are all paying a price, that the Government chose to allow the Human Rights Commission to disregard those terms of reference and to implement a series of proposals that were well beyond anything that was envisaged when those terms of reference were drawn up. None the less, the Ulster Unionist Party battled on by tabling more than 200 amendments to the Police (Northern Ireland) Bill as it was going through the Houses of Parliament. It is significant that no other Unionist party tabled any amendments.

Members must also bear in mind, and any study of Northern Ireland affairs since 1970 confirms, that every time the security forces appeared to have some success against the terrorists they were put under such an enormous barrage of publicity fire by the Republican movement that they inevitably stopped doing whatever it was that was proving effective. The history of the Government's involvement in those affairs over the past 30 years shows that the consequences of the review of the RUC were not particularly surprising.

We must consider several matters in order to address the crime levels. When I served on the Policing Board I was fortunate to be invited, with other members, by the US Administration to New York and Washington to look at some of the actions that they had taken, and also to hear about the study that had been done on the problems of dealing with crime. I came away from that trip with much food for thought.

It would be wrong for me to try to summarise that trip in a few moments. However, I shall make some brief comments. Initiatives sometimes referred to by the inaccurate general term of "zero tolerance" were launched in New York City and in Newark, and involved a major alliance of political and civil society, the police and the criminal justice system working together to address a common problem. It will be essential for us to work together, whether we try to address those problems in Northern Ireland, England or anywhere else. We have to be particularly mindful of the crucial role of the criminal justice system and the courts' sentencing policies.

The inadequacy of the sentences being handed out bears down heavily on the morale of the police force, particularly after officers have gone to great trouble and effort and have faced other difficulties, often at personal risk, to bring people to court and get a conviction. I urge the Northern Ireland Office and the Westminster Government to look at that matter closely, because it is still their responsibility.

Although the nominal number of police officers is more than double what it was in 1969, I am aware, as most Members are, that the numbers actually serving are very low. For that reason, the Ulster Unionist Party has consistently taken the line that the future of the full-time and part-time reserve must be secured to give its men and women some contractual certainty for the time being. Police numbers should be reviewed in a few years, in the light of the numbers who leave and join the force. In the meantime, we need every available police officer, and they must be given that certainty of tenure.

I endorse the comments of my Colleague, Sir John Gorman, and those of Members of the DUP, who said that Sinn Féin's amendment, as usual, tries to re-present the issue. It clearly implies that there is something wrong with the current police force. I reject that assertion: the police have been, and are, doing a commendably good job in exceedingly difficult circumstances. I support the motion.

I remind Members that time is moving on, and, because the debate is limited to two hours, I ask the remaining Members to limit their speeches to four minutes.

I support the motion. It is important that we raise the issues and talk about crime detection rates and why we need more police on the streets.

Sinn Féin sits in the Assembly decrying the new police force by saying that it does not represent the community. The more we hear that, the more we realise how discriminatory and two-faced that party's comments are. The changes recommended in the Patten Report were not designed to catch more criminals; indeed, they have had the opposite effect. They have caused crime to increase. There is more crime on the street; more people are under threat from criminals and many people's insecurity has increased.

Sinn Féin thinks that the police force is not representative of this community. It is representative of the community. To take this comment to its logical conclusion, there would have to be a minority of Protestants on the police force for it to be acceptable to Sinn Féin. According to the policing provisions in the Northern Ireland Act 1998, 50% of the police force must be Roman Catholic, and the other 50% must be made up from the other religions in Northern Ireland. Surely Sinn Féin should be crowing with delight that this institutionalised discrimination was made legal by the Patten Report.

Sinn Féin has also ensured that its old adversaries in Special Branch and the CID have had to leave because it does not consider them to be the kind of officers that are needed in peacetime. Perhaps the real reason that they had to leave is that those officers know far too much about certain Members and Ministers. The removal of many of those officers and anyone over 30 serving in the worthy and honourable Royal Ulster Constabulary has left this country on its knees. Youths and organised criminals have taken over night by night. We hear stories of elderly people being beaten and robbed in their homes; joyriding accidents leave families across the Province grieving; and the knife culture is getting out of control.

There have been two knife-related murders in my constituency in the past two months. We must ask why that is happening. It is happening because Sinn Féin has reduced the numbers of PSNI officers on the street, disbanded the RUC and taken away its name. The police force has been reconstructed. If Sinn Féin thinks that it has fooled anyone apart from its own people, it is breathing the thin air that some of its colleagues are breathing in Colombia. It is in Sinn Féin's interest never to support the Police Service. In that way it can give its old IRA buddies something to do by providing them with a weak and overstretched target to have fun with, while trying to cover up what is going on in Colombia with civil disturbances and riots in flashpoint areas. By withholding support from the new Police Service, Sinn Féin can ensure that it does not hit one of its own when orchestrating riots or community attacks.

As I said, two people have died as a result of stabbing incidents recently in my constituency. The increased use of knives worries me. The police cannot respond because of the numbers they have - or do not have - on the streets. People are having their property damaged by vandals who cannot be caught because there are not enough officers to patrol the streets, and people are being beaten, stabbed, shot and intimidated because the police force does not have enough officers to ensure that it knows what is happening so that it can safeguard people against crimes.

My constituency of Strangford is a large area with crime rates that make it sound like the wild west. Post office robberies are a source of concern. Elderly people are victims because the offices are targeted on pension day. The area has a proud tradition of people from both sides of the community and both religious persuasions joining the police. The situation is indefensible. We need officers, but unfortunately we cannot get them because Sinn Féin has depleted the force and left the whole country susceptible to the baser side of the human race. I support the motion.

I welcome this timely opportunity to debate the vital issues of the rise in crime and the acts of Sinn Féin and the Republican movement over the past few months. The Westminster Government are weak on policing. I welcome the Secretary of State's initiative of creating a task force with a remit to tackle organised crime. It has had some notable success. However, a concerted effort is needed to right the wrongs in our society, because every time the police force has been successful, it has had its wings clipped.

Cash robberies here amount to one fifth of the UK total. The amount of counterfeit goods seized in 2001 was greater than the total in the rest of the United Kingdom. Most of this crime is in areas where Sinn Féin's supporters reside. The extent of the problems that confront us is clear. The effects of claims are demonstrated by the overly high insurance premiums that are burdening businesses and vehicle owners alike. We know well the problems before us. Fuel smuggling, alcohol and drug abuse and thuggery have their roots in Republican paramilitary organisations in Republican areas. Being a democrat, I am opposed to all criminal acts, particularly punishment beatings. I recognise that such beatings have become almost a daily occurrence. I urge the Government to show law-abiding citizens that crime does not pay.

As we know, Sinn Féin and its Republican following are acting irresponsibly. To support the forces of law and order would not be consistent for a party that attempted to undermine law and order in the Province for over 30 years, that has a structure of a political wing and a military wing and that believes it is judge, jury and executioner.

Most of our problems require apposite actions. It is fine for Sinn Féin to talk about getting rid of Special Branch, but what about Sinn Féin's secret special branch that targets Government officials? What sort of society do we live in when ambulance and hospital personnel constantly come under attack while carrying out their duties? Young people in north Belfast and elsewhere must no longer have a free rein to attack the security forces and citizens. Sinn Féin and its Republican army must accept their share of the blame for the situation. It is surely double standards for Sinn Féin, on the one hand, to hold the office of Minister of Health, Social Services and Public Safety and, on the other hand, to allow its party supporters to intimidate people and to carry out crime at a cost to the taxpayer. Any political party that teaches and encourages young people to have no regard for law and order must answer for the consequences.

The Westminster Government must also shoulder responsibility for failing our judicial system. Even if perpetrators of crime are caught, they will probably not be dealt with appropriately. The Westminster Government are weak on administering deterrents to crime. We need more effective deterrents.

Does the Member agree that responsibility for policing in Northern Ireland rests not with the Northern Ireland Assembly or the Northern Ireland Policing Board but, ultimately, with the Government in London? It is the London Government, through the Patten Report, that have undermined policing in Northern Ireland, brought the manpower of the police to below 7,000 - it was 9,000 - and brought about the present increase in crime in Northern Ireland. This is why I will certainly support this motion.

The Member does not have time to respond. I ask him to bring his remarks to a close.

It is time that Sinn Féin got rid of its "special branch" and its army and let us get on with the peace process. I welcome this debate.

TOP

<< Prev / Next >>