Report of the AD HOC COMMITTEE (PORT OF BELFAST)
ANNEXE D
OFFICIAL TRANSCRIPTIONS OF ORAL EVIDENCE (Continued)
Mr Bryne:
How quick and efficient is Warrenpoint in actually handling the import and
export of cargo in comparison with other ports in Ireland?
Mr Thornton:
We have container facilities in each of the five ports in Ireland - from
Belfast right through to Cork- and Warrenpoint, truthfully, is the most
efficient. A vehicle picking up a container in Belfast can wait for three to
four hours to get loaded. Someone in Dungannon can be waiting for a container
that could come through either port, but in Belfast the driver has to spend
his time traipsing across the Westlink.
The average turn-around time in Warrenpoint is 25. In Dublin, it takes four
to five hours for the truck, never mind trying to get through the traffic onto
the main roads. In Cork it takes about 35 to 40 minutes, and in Waterford it
takes about 20 minutes. That is similar to Warrenpoint, but it is a smaller
port than Dublin or Belfast. Those times are because of port and traffic
congestion.
I endorse what Mr McGovern said. Because of the buoyancy in the Republic
of Ireland's construction industry, timber and steel are growth tonnages, as
is the container business. There is still tremendous growth in those areas,
and they are probably the three main segments. There is also grain.
Mr McGovern:
The bulk of quality paper coming into Ireland comes through the port of
Warrenpoint. I spoke about the timescales for freight or goods from Northern
Ireland to Europe. Much of the paper that comes through Warrenpoint is high
quality newsprint. It arrives in Warrenpoint one day and is ready for use by
the press the following day. That is a reflection of the economies and
efficiencies of Warrenpoint. It is probably the prime receiver of paper into
Ireland.
Mr Neeson:
I wish to ask about the impact of the demise of smaller commercial ports on
Northern Ireland. I am thinking particularly the ports of Carrickfergus and
Coleraine, which is now almost extinct. I was chairman of Carrickfergus
harbour committee for some time. The port was successful because the pricing
structures could be set lower than those at Belfast. Warrenpoint has benefited
from that; Hays Chemicals has relocated within the area of the port.
Mr McGovern spoke about the impact of pricing.
The other issue is in relation to Merchant Ferries and its relocation to
Dublin. Seatruck Ferries is a locally-owned company. Is that an advantage or a
disadvantage, bearing in mind that it does not have the resource benefits of
multinational companies, and that the roll-on/roll-off business is one of the
targeted areas of growth within your business?
Mr McGovern:
Merchant Ferries decided to move to Dublin for its own reasons. I am sure
that we are all aware of the economies that result from running a
roll-on/roll-off business. We are talking about large-scale economies and
investment, and Seatruck is making money while operating through Warrenpoint.
Mr Neeson asks about local interest. Should we simply step aside and let
the multinationals dictate business locations? I do not think that it is a
secret that Seatruck is controlled by local people but also financed by
international money. People could see that it was a viable proposition because
of the congestion in Dublin and, to a lesser extent, in Belfast.
Seatruck is now a stand-alone profit-making company offering two sailings a
day to Great Britain and working very well. >From out point of view it is
great to see it and we have to take our hats off to the company. If it were
not for the initiative and drive of some local people that business would not
be there.
Mr Thornton:
With regard to Seatruck you are right in a sense. However, on the negative
side it is a niche company. Seatruck is operating within an area, the border
counties, which, traditionally and historically, has spawned many haulage
companies. It is the truck driver, quite often, who decides which ferry he is
going to use based on his hours and the cost. Seatruck has succeeded in the
area because of the preponderance of trucking companies but should have moved
to Dublin as well as staying in Warrenpoint. Staying only in Warrenpoint is a
potential weakness, but the strength of Seatruck is that it is serving its
niche so well that it is able to maintain merchant ferries.
Your point about Carrickfergus and Coleraine relates to the earlier
question about small ports. It comes down to size. The cost per tonne of
bringing small coasters into Carrickfergus would beat the pants of everyone
else. However, in terms of handling and port costs and the charter cost of
hire from the port of loading to Carrickfergus, the most economic type of
vessel in use today cannot access small ports like Carrickfergus and Coleraine.
Thus we have the unfortunate demise of these ports. A similar fate awaits
Warrenpoint it things do not evolve properly.
Mr McGovern:
Mr Neeson would be very aware of the impact on the local economy and local
morale when ports like Carrickfergus and Coleraine close down. It is important
to let factories locating in Newry and Banbridge know that Warrenpoint and its
facilities are there. Is all the industry going to be located within a 50-mile
radius of Belfast if Warrenpoint closes?
Mr Neeson:
May I say that I appreciate how the port authority has adapted to change. I
can remember when everything at Warrenpoint was dominated by Cawoods.
Mr Roche:
I arrived late and you may have already dealt with my question. If so, I
apologise. In your submission you state that it is the firm belief of your
association that the privatisation of Belfast port would have a dramatic
negative effect on the viability and cost-effectiveness of the port of
Warrenpoint. Two things are not clear to me. First, why, in detail, do you
believe that? The second point, and here I must declare my own hand, is that
if you are saying that the privatisation of Belfast would enhance its
competitiveness to the extent of putting Warrenpoint out of business, that, in
itself, is not an argument against the privatisation of the port of Belfast.
What you would have to establish, concretely, to sustain an argument against
privatisation is that such action would lead to an unfair advantage for
Belfast. In the long-term interests of the Northern Ireland economy we cannot
be opposed to the increased competitiveness of a major port because it would
lead to the closure of small ports.
Mr McGovern:
With respect, we have covered that issue. To some extent we are unsure, but
while the port is in Government control - Warrenpoint is a trust port - the
trust and the Government should act as honest brokers.
On the issue of competitiveness, Belfast, because of its landbank and the
revenues that it can derive therefrom, is able to subsidise its port
activities unfairly. Warrenpoint cannot do that. It is not a case of Belfast
being more competitive than Warrenpoint.
Belfast's revenues allow it to operate a predatory policy, and if it
achieves overall control, income from the landbank will enable it to reduce
shipping and handling costs to levels that would be unrealistic for
Warrenpoint. Warrenpoint does not have a landbank and is therefore limited to
the tonnage through the port each day. Belfast is not dependent on tonnage as
its landbank income subsidises port activities. As a businessman I accept the
principle that the cheapest price should win, but this is not a level playing
field.
Other aspects to be considered include the effect on the local economy and
the fact that if Warrenpoint port ceased to operate, £12 million per year
would be lost to the Treasury. Other factors are involved - it is not simply a
matter of comparing the costs of shipping a tonne of cargo through Belfast and
through Warrenpoint.
Mr Campbell:
The concept of Northern Ireland plc, mentioned in the response to Jane
Morrice and me is interesting, as is Warrenpoint's geographical location in
relation to the Southern trade and the problems in Dublin. A five-year
"window", or thereabouts, exists, before Dublin can make significant
progress on its roads infrastructure - which may or may not affect
Warrenpoint's traffic - to promote the Northern Ireland plc concept.
It is unlikely that the three main ports, given their competitive nature,
would join such an arrangement. However, in relation to the concept, is there
merit, from a user's point of view, in looking at the advantages of
Warrenpoint, if its deep water, road and space problems could be addressed, in
looking at Belfast's wanting to compete with Dublin, and in looking at
Londonderry, which could have, and does have, a sizeable market in Donegal? Is
there merit in looking at greater flexibility which would allow the main ports
to market themselves - together or separately - in that context over the next
five years, before intense competition arises from Dublin's problems being
solved?
Mr McGovern:
Yes, I hope that that will be the case and that one of the consequences of
debating the privatisation of the port of Belfast is that people like you will
get to know a lot more about the shipping industry, the port activity and how
important the ports of Northern Ireland are to the local economy. That is
where the honest broker comes in again. Let us be honest: what local
politicians have we had controlling Belfast port? I may be speaking out of
ignorance, but as far as I am aware, Belfast port is run by the Belfast
Harbour Commissioners and civil servants. Assembly Members are local
politicians and should think in terms of Northern Ireland plc - surely
that is the way forward. The Assembly should be asking how Warrenpoint port,
Londonderry port and Belfast port compete with Dublin.
The privatisation of Belfast would go in the opposite direction because
that would be predatory. Belfast would feel that if it got all of
Northern Ireland's business, it would be happy enough for Dublin to get
the South of Ireland's business. The long-term interest of
Northern Ireland plc is not the short-term gain of people sitting in
banks or whatever and increasing profits and stacks of money for some.
Mr Thorton:
That is a very pragmatic viewpoint. I can understand that it is black and
white from your perspective, a sort of business decision. If there is a loss
here and a gain there, how do we juggle it, and what is the bottom line?
There is huge competitiveness, if you like friction, between the users of
Warrenpoint and the users of Belfast. The big concern - and maybe this did not
come across strongly enough at the presentation - is this predatory pricing
and the discrimination towards the smaller port. For example, today there are
business moves from a factory 2kms away from the port of Warrenpoint via
container into Germany through the port of Belfast. Why can Warrenpoint not do
it; why does the guy in Belfast handle it?
Local competitiveness could be eroded because there could be massive savings
from working on the continent -you would be gaining a larger area for travelling
in yet saving money. Let us come back to the Mersey port and dock situation.
There is a land bank there, a huge amount of money, and a certain limited element
of control on the port. There a climate can be created in which, no matter
how hard we try, no matter what cost measures we take, we cannot win. We are
coerced, for example, into taking the hard decision of maybe moving to Belfast
against our will, because that is the only way in which we can survive in the
long-term.
Mr McGovern:
If Belfast port is privatised to the detriment of Derry and Warrenpoint, it
does not take a genius to work out that Belfast will not have to worry about
competing with Warrenpoint and Londonderry in five year's time. It is
guaranteed that the price of a tonne of cargo going through Belfast will be
much dearer then than it is now.
The Chairman:
Thank you for your presentation and for answering the questions. Would you
like a couple of minutes to sum up, or are you happy enough?
Mr McGovern:
No. We really appreciate this opportunity to give the Committee our views.
Obviously we think that this is a very serious issue. We have mentioned our
own businesses; we have mentioned the port of Warrenpoint; we have mentioned
the surrounding area of Warrenpoint; and we have mentioned Northern Ireland
plc. We are simply asking that Belfast is not privatised.
The Chairman:
I thank you all very much.
AD HOC COMMITTEE
(PORT OF BELFAST)
MINUTES OF EVIDENCE WEDNESDAY 19 MAY 1999
(Mr A Maginness in the Chair) Witnesses:
The Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State
(Lord Dubs),
Mr R McMinnis and Mrs B Faloona
(Department of the Environment)
The Chairman:
Good morning, Minister. You and your two colleagues, Mrs Barbara Faloona
and Mr Robin McMinnis, are very welcome. We are pleased that you
were able to come back again to assist us in our deliberations.
I understand that you wish to make some introductory remarks, after which
you will take questions.
Lord Dubs:
Thank you, Mr Chairman. Thank you also for being so understanding about my
difficulties last time. Once again I apologise for the fact that I had to run
off. Let me assure you that in case you want to go into this in more detail,
I can stay until 2.30 pm, although I suspect you will not want to spend
that much time on it.
However, I appreciate your understanding, and thank you very much for giving
me another opportunity.
A number of questions were asked last time to which, given freedom from time
constraints, I could develop answers. If you are agreeable, I would like to
deal with the questions that were not fully dealt with before, and then I will
take any other questions.
Thank you very much for a second opportunity to discuss these issues with
you. Since my last visit, Robin McMinnis has written to you about the
possibility of a meeting with your advisors from the University of Ulster.
Given how complicated these issues are, it would be useful if you would let
some of my officials have a meeting with the people from the university so
that we have a better understanding of the university's thinking. But I will
leave that with you.
The Chairman:
The Committee will certainly consider that.
Lord Dubs:
Having looked at the report of the last session I found there were some
questions which I can answer more fully, now that I have the time. The first,
raised by Mr McGimpsey, was about separating the landbank from the port
business. Would you like me to proceed?
The Chairman:
Yes. Mr McGimspey is not present at the moment, but he may be along
later.
Lord Dubs:
The first three I have a note of are all Mr McGimpsey's questions.
The Chairman:
The Committee would appreciate an enlargement of your response to his questions
even though he is absent.
Lord Dubs:
In fact, the first five came from Mr McGimpsey. The first point is a
key one - and one which I know the Committee is concerned about - and that is
the possibility of separating the landbank owned by the harbour from the
ongoing port business. That is probably the most crucial point that has
concerned the Committee - at least that was the impression that I got.
The Commissioners' proposals envisage the transfer of all of the port's assets
to the private sector. That is consistent with the Ports (NI) Order (1994).
There is no provision in that legislation to permit the port operational land
to be dealt with separately. The Department explored that possibility, but
the Commissioners and port users did not favour that approach. Both the Harbour
Commissioners' advisors and the Department's advisors have said that without
the development potential offered by the land, they feared it might not be
possible to attract the interest of institutional investors.
Therefore, if that were the case, the business could not be floated and
that a trade sale would not offer the same benefits in terms of an equity
stake in the business or shares for local investors. They are not saying that
it could not be disposed of, rather that the better way of doing so with the
various safeguards might not be possible and that they would, therefore, have
to do it in a different way and possibly get less money for it. The Harbour
Commissioners see the landbank as a very key part of the assets and without it
there would be less interest in the harbour. Any decision to separate the land
from the port business would reduce the total proceeds from the sale.
I know that the Commissioners are aware of your Committee's concerns and
I am sure that you put those points to them when they appeared before you.
I understand that the Harbour Commissioners are shortly to submit a further
paper on the question of how they intend to proceed. It is not for me to tell
the Commissioners how to do so, but no doubt you will put to them options such
as how the concerns of Belfast City Council might be incorporated in any way
forward.
There is also a master plan for the port lands and there is the planning
system, which, for all the criticism of it, does still have a number of possible
safeguards with regard to development. I am anxious that there should be safeguards
and that the concerns expressed here and by Belfast City Council should be
addressed, but in the first instance that has to be up to the Harbour Commissioners.
The Chairman:
Thank you, Minister.
Assemblyman McGimpsey, the Minister specifically directed that response to
your question from the last time.
Mr McGimpsey:
I apologise for being late, and I missed part of the Minister's answers. As
I came in he was talking about a master plan for the harbour. We are all aware
that the master plan for the harbour did not work when it came to the D5
application for the huge shopping centre. This was land zoned for service and
light industrial job creation, but we ended up with another out-of-town
supermarket, so the master plan is by no means set in stone. When the Belfast
City Council and North Down Borough Council, Carrickfergus Council and a
number of other councils unanimously opposed it, the planning system just did
not work in that situation. Uniquely, in Belfast, every single party
represented opposed it, ranging from the Ulster Unionist Party through the
SDLP across DUP, Sinn Féin and PUP, yet it still went ahead. The views of the
people living in Belfast and further afield, as represented by their political
representatives, counted for nothing.
My concern relates to the argument that the land has to go with the port
in terms of privatisation. Who says so? The Harbour Commissioners say so. They
say that the harbour cannot be privatised unless the land is tagged on. Who
says so? The Harbour Commissioners say so. They claim that they have a report
from experts which backs this up. We have asked them for it and they will not
let us see it. The Minister makes the point about differentials in terms of
cash realised between sale of port without land and sale of port with land.
There are no figures to back that up.
I repeat that there is deep unease over this proposal and it seems to me
that we are not talking about privatisation of a port but about a grand land
sale with a port thrown in. Those deep concerns remain. We cannot get answers
to our questions. How much is the port, with land, going to realise? There
must be a rough idea of idea of that. How much will the port realise without
the land? In other words, what is the value of the land? Before we get into
the commercial benefits, what are the benefits going to be in cash terms? The
argument is that the Harbour Commissioners are strapped for cash, yet they
have over £20 million lying in their bank account, and they say that they
cannot release that. It seems to me that if it is their wish to develop the
port, that money could be released and ways could be found to allow them to
borrow money on the open market, without going through all of this process.
Mr Wilson:
May I comment on what the Minister has said about this specific issue. I
am becoming increasingly concerned about the Department's neutrality on this
matter. Your arguments sound like those of Gordon Irwin.
They are almost exactly the words and propaganda that we heard from the
Harbour Commissioners on this issue. One of the reasons for the huge concern
about the sale was the cavalier way in which the Harbour Commissioners dealt
with the landbank and the way in which, in the past, they have overridden
their own plans. Michael has alluded to the fact that this was done despite
the huge shortage of land in east Belfast for light industrial use. The part
that was set aside for that purpose was put into retail use because it was
more profitable, and the Harbour Commissioners simply tore up their master
plan for the harbour.
There is concern about such an amount of land being handed over to a
privatised company that is driven by profit by an organisation that was not
primarily profit making. I do not think that that fear about the landbank
transfer will go away. It is reinforced by your point that if the sale were to
go ahead without the development land there would not be the same degree of
interest by institutional investors. Is this just about getting development
land into the hands of institutional investors or, as you have said in your
brief, is it about enabling the port to better meet the challenges ahead and
to ensure the long-term security of the port?
The emphasis that is being placed on this land by you and by the Harbour
Commissioners, leads us to the conclusion that the port is simply a side
issue, and that the 2000 acres of land in the heart of Belfast is the
main issue. If privatisation is to go ahead, we should like to see the
landbank removed from the equation.
Mr Beggs:
You said that under current legislation, the land and the port have to be
dealt with as one issue. Surely you and your Department appoint the Commissioners,
and if it was in the public interest I am certain that it would be possible
to introduce new legislation to ensure that that is not the case. Do you accept
that the matter is under your control, and that you could deal with it differently?
Lord Dubs:
I agree that I appoint the Harbour Commissioners, although some are nominated.
Belfast City Council has one nomination and my function is to ensure that that
person is a proper individual to be a Harbour Commissioner. I cannot otherwise
second guess the City Council's approach. I have never seen it as part of my
responsibility to use my power of appointment in as specific a way as is implicit
in your question - in other words, you play ball or you do not get on.
That would not be the proper way for me to approach it, and it is certainly
not any suggestion that I have acted on in the past in relation to appointments.
Prior to devolution the Government have the power to bring in new legislation.
The difficulty is legislative time. We would have to have new primary legislation
to deal with this, to give to the Government the powers that you want them
to have in relation to this, and it would take a long time to have the legislation
drafted, to consult on it and then find parliamentary time.
Obviously if devolution happens quickly, the Assembly will be in the driving
seat, and all of these problems will be for the Assembly to deal with, but,
even so, developing entirely new legislation will inevitably bring about a
lot of delay. What we are doing at the moment - and what we have done - is
to act on existing legislation, and it is on that basis that the Harbour Commissioners
came forward with their proposals. It may be possible to do some fine tuning,
but that is the position.
Mr Wilson said that I sounded like the Harbour Commissioners. In a sense,
of course, the initiative for this proposal has come from the Harbour
Commissioners, and they have had a lot of experts advising them on the way
forward, so if I am quoting what they have said to you on other occasions, it
is hardly surprising, because on this issue, they have had more expertise than
we, as a Department, have had. I am simply saying that that is the advice I
received from them, and I do not have enough independent advice which has gone
in a different direction - any advice we have had has gone along the same
lines.
Mr McMinnis:
Yes. It has generally supported what the Harbour Commissioners have said.
Lord Dubs:
It is not surprising that on this issue I have not taken a different line
from the one the Harbour Commissioners have given you, because all advice has
come from the same source.
How neutral is the Department in all this? When the Harbour Commissioners
first came up with their proposal I said to them "Yes, in principle that
is fine. Would you like to develop the proposal?". We went public at that
point, because I wanted it to be absolutely clear that nothing underhand was
going on, that the Government were not doing anything that was not in any way
absolutely clear and transparent. So I said publicly what I had said to the
Harbour Commissioners "Yes, go ahead. In principle we go along with that".
The Chancellor of the Exchequer's initiative is another factor. I mentioned
this before, but I will elaborate. The Chancellor announced that an additional
£70 million would be made available to the Northern Ireland block
but that figure was clearly based on the amount that would be raised from the
sale of the harbour. The Department is not neutral on that one.
I am not in a position to get involved in the details of the scheme that
the Harbour Commissioners will eventually come forward with. The Department
will have to satisfy itself that that scheme is satisfactory and act on it,
and we do not want to prejudge that. I think that deals with the neutrality
aspect.
What is the motive? Is the motive the land, or is it the well-being of the
economic effectiveness of the port of Belfast. I believe that doing nothing
as regards the port operation would be damaging to Belfast's future. Ports
are an increasingly competitive business - I mentioned when I was here last
time that Dublin is becoming increasingly competitive in terms of what it has
to offer - and if we stand still, we shall simply lose business from here to
Dublin. I am concerned that Belfast, as a port, should be as competitive as
possible, consistent with the need to improve the local economy. I am also
concerned that Belfast port should not have to operate under constraints which
counteract its ability to be as effective as possible. For example, Belfast
port is currently very limited in terms of making investment decisions.
If, for example, Belfast Harbour Commissioners wanted to upgrade port facilities
in England to improve movement of goods and people from Belfast, at the moment
they are precluded from doing that even though they might want facilities at
the other end to improve things for customers.
With regard to the £20 million that you mentioned, they are very
limited under their present status as to how they can spend that. Indeed, they
would have been happy to spend it on improvements to the Westlink which would
improve access to Belfast harbour. However, under the trust port status they
are simply not allowed to do that.We need to have some change so that Belfast
harbour can actually make use of assets and resources such as that
£20 million. Now that is the harbour side and that alone seems to me to
justify a significant change in the status of Belfast harbour from its present
position.
With regard to the land, the Government's general view is that the public
sector should not be sitting on assets which are not being used in the best
interests of the people of Northern Ireland. It is wrong in principle
that the Government should sit on chunks of land which are not being properly
used when there are ways in which they can be used to the benefit of the local
economy. Indeed, after the election we did a review of all public sector
assets to make sure we were not inadvertently sitting on things which should
be disposed of and put to better use rather than just sitting idly in
Government possession. The landbank of the harbour is the biggest single chunk
of land, and it is not right to allow a situation to develop wherein land is
not being properly used. That holds back the economy and is not proper in the
interests of Northern Ireland. Both interests apply, although my initial
concern was that I wanted Belfast harbour to be as competitive as possible.
The land issue was a more general one, but it had a specific application in
relation to Belfast harbour because of the size of the landbank and because
there was land in the middle of our major city. Therefore it is of crucial
importance to the city's future and to Northern Ireland's future. Both
are important but even if there were no land attached to the harbour we would
still have to take action to enable the harbour to develop in the way I have
suggested.
The Chairman:
Mr Wilson wants to ask a supplementary question. Would you like to respond
now and then move on to Mr McGimpsey's point?
Lord Dubs:
That is fine.
Mr Wilson:
It refers to something you said, Minister. You say your conclusions are based
on the information you received from the Belfast Harbour Commissioners and
the independent advice which you have received. We are not aware of what other
advice you have received - perhaps you could enlighten us. The only advice
we have been informed of is in paragraph 4 of the brief which you sent us for
the last meeting and that was in relation to the review of the trust ports.
The Department mentioned only two recommendations. They were that the legislative
powers should be extended and that public accountability should be improved
by increasing district council representation on the boards. Maybe you have
received other independent advice which is not mentioned in this document.
However, it is significant that the only recommendation which you told us you
had received from other findings does not mention privatisation but does mention
extended powers and greater accountability.
Lord Dubs:
May I ask Mr McMinnis to comment on that. I have had advice from Mr McMinnis
and maybe he will tell you where he got his advice from.
Mr McMinnis:
Mr Wilson, I explained last time that Belfast Harbour Commissioners' proposals
came forward at a time when the review of trust ports was underway. I said
then that it was largely a coincidence. If we think back, the legislation which
governs the privatisation was two years before that. The Harbour Commissioners
were working on these proposals for the best part of two years before the review
of trust ports came forward.
As we explained in the paper we have commissioned PricewaterhouseCoopers
and a firm of Glasgow solicitors, McGrigor Donald, to advise the
Department and assist us in evaluating Belfast Harbour Commissioners
proposals.
Belfast's initial proposals which came to us in December 1997 were simply
an outline, and we looked at them with the assistance of Ernst and Young.
We did that quite separately from the review of trust ports, because the terms
of reference for that review, which we have shared with Mr Wilson in the
past, were much wider and did not focus on whether the port of Belfast should
be privatised.
As the Minister said, the Government came to the view that, in principle,
it was right that the matter should proceed and that Belfast Harbour
Commissioners should develop their proposals. The Government received BHC's
detailed proposals at about the same time as you did. The Government wants to
hear from the Assembly before doing anything further, which means that, in a
sense, we await the reaction of the Committee and the Assembly to those
proposals.
Mr Tierney:
Did the Government consider the other ports and the problems that could
arise?
Mr McMinnis:
We are looking closely at the other ports. We commissioned further work by
a firm called ERM, which is familiar with such work and has been employed in
the past by Warrenpoint and Lisahally ports. ERM has intimate knowledge of the
port scene in Northern Ireland, and we have asked it to carry out further
studies on the likely effect of the privatisation of Belfast on the activities
of other ports. Belfast Harbour Commissioners are equally aware of the fact
that we are looking at that and have commissioned separate advice. I think
that it is incorporated in their submission to you.
Mr Tierney:
I do not agree that we received the same information as the Department. We
read in the newspapers that infrastructure work was subject to the sale of
Belfast port. Surely before the Department or Ministers support anything, they
should have all the necessary information. We are told that the Department
is in favour of privatisation and that it is seeking more information from
the other ports to enable it to assess the damage that might result from privatisation.
Lord Dubs:
Decisions by the Government or by the devolved administration come into it
in two ways. I made the decision in principle to ask Belfast Harbour Commissioners
to work out their scheme in detail. Any further decision by the Government
has not yet been made. It has been entirely left to the Harbour Commissioners
to work out their scheme and for consultation to take place between the Commissioners
and interested parties. The Assembly decided to set up this Committee to work
on its behalf, and we have not made any further decisions. We are partly in
the Committee's hands and those of the Harbour Commissioners. After devolution,
it will be a matter for the Assembly.
There was a review of trust ports. We are now considering the views put
forward on behalf of Warrenpoint and Lisahally ports. There are some
difficulties, which we are discussing with them, relating to the problem of
how to reconcile the degree of freedom of action which they wanted with the
necessary public accountability. We need to discuss this further, and no final
decision has yet been made.
Mr McMinnis:
With regard to Mr Tierney's point, I have to say that, even after this stage
of the consultation, Belfast Harbour Commissioners still have to submit a formal
transfer scheme. This will have to be advertised in the 'Belfast Telegraph'
and other local newspapers, after which there has to be a 42-day public consultation
period. It would be quite wrong, therefore, for this Department to reach any
final decision on the privatisation of the port of Belfast in advance of that.
Mr Tierney:
Why were the plans to improve the road network announced if no decision on
the port had been made? I understood that those plans depended on income from
the sale of the port.
Lord Dubs:
The Government agreed in principle to the Harbour Commissioners' proposal
and asked them to work out the details. This was on the assumption that the
Commissioners would submit a scheme which would be - or could be made to be
- acceptable to the Department. The Chancellor, in good faith, announced a
package of schemes, £70 million of the cost of which would come from income
generated by the sale of the harbour, representing a net increase in the money
available for Northern Ireland. The Government did this because it supported
the proposal, but the precise details of the scheme have not been finalised,
for the reasons which I have set out. We have not received details of the transfer
scheme from the Harbour Commissioners, but I imagine that they are taking note
of the views of this Committee, and that these views will have an influence
on the scheme which the Commissioners will, eventually, submit.
The Chairman:
Would you like to address the points raised by Mr McGimpsey?
Lord Dubs:
I am not sure that it would be proper for me to take up the Committee's
time in discussion about the D5 issue, although I would be happy to discuss it
on another occasion. Could we put this to one side for the moment?
Mr McGimpsey:
I do not wish to get involved in another discussion about D5. That is water
under the bridge. We discussed it previously, and our views were not -
The Chairman:
It would be best if we were to avoid a discussion on D5.
Mr McGimpsey:
We are talking about a breach of the masterplan - the planning system
which, you said, gave some sort of protection. I mentioned the case of D5,
because that shows that it does not.
Lord Dubs:
I understand what you are saying, but I would like to move on to the next
point, concerning valuations. We do not have a valuation for the harbour, with
the land. That will have to be worked on, and I understand that it will be
a detailed, complicated and costly exercise. The Harbour Commissioners will
want to have this done when they are preparing a prospectus for the sale of
the harbour. I too would like to know the difference between the value of the
harbour together with the land and their separate values. The information I
have received - most of it from the Commissioners' advisers as well as some
from our own - states that the harbour would be worth much less without the
land, than it would with it. I do not know the answer, but I agree that it
is an important question. Nevertheless, the Harbour Commissioners will want
to be careful about spending large sums of money on such exercises, given that
the prospectus for the sale, which they will, eventually, produce, ought to
be as up to date as possible, and that market forces can influence the valuations.
I do not know the answer, but the golden share, which, it is clear, will be
part of the scheme, will give the Department a key input to any decisions about
the disposal of assets.
A privatised harbour could either sell off the land, though the golden
share could prevent the Belfast Harbour Commissioners from doing this, or they
could develop it through short-, medium- or long-term leases. I understand
that the Belfast Harbour Commissioners would prefer to lease the land rather
than sell it.
Mr McMinnis:
Mr McGimpsey has expressed his concern about the valuation of the land. May
I assure him and the Committee that the Department takes this matter very
seriously. In Great Britain, when the privatisation of a port was
contemplated, the port authority undertook the valuation and the Department
did a second check. With regard to the port of Belfast, we have enlisted the
Valuation and Lands Agency to help us recruit independent valuers to check the
Belfast Harbour Commissioners' valuation. In addition, due to the commercial
advantages that the holder of the landbank would have, we are also seriously
considering employing someone with the necessary business acumen to assess its
true value. All that information will then be considered. We must ensure that
we get full value from the sale. We are very conscious that we will have to
answer to the Assembly if we get the valuation wrong.
Mr McGimpsey:
I do not believe the Belfast Harbour Commissioners when they say that they
have no idea of the value of the land. It is an absolutely fantastic proposition
that the Belfast Harbour Commissioners could be sitting on this land for generations,
and when they decide to sell it, they ask us to believe that they do not even
know its notional value. We are discussing 2,000 acres in the heart of
Belfast, and as Mr Wilson mentioned, whoever owns that land will literally
have Belfast in the palms of their hands in terms of development. Through owning
this city centre land, they will be able to determine how Belfast develops
for generations. This is one of our deepest concerns.
There is a view that this is all pre-cooked. We are told that the Westlink
upgrade and the Toome bypass are both dependent on the sale of the land. I do
not wish to labour the point but it almost sounded like blackmail - that these
roads are dependent on the sale of the harbour. I would refer you to a letter
that you sent to Belfast City Council a few weeks ago which detailed the roads
that were to be included in the next five-year programme. In one of them, lo
and behold, half of the money is the Westlink allocation of £36 million.
We may be seeing things that do not exist, but we are concerned that this has
been pre-cooked.
Mr McMinnis referred to the Pricewaterhouse Coopers report, a McGrigor Donald
of Glasgow report - I have never heard of that one - and an Ernst and Young
report. We cannot make an informed decision unless we have all the
information. We asked the Belfast Harbour Commissioners for a sight of the
reports, and we are still waiting. These reports should be in the hands of the
Committee.
This might not be within their remit, but are you aware that the Belfast
Harbour Commissioners have employed a public relations company to sell their
view on the privatisation? If everything is being done strictly upfront, I
do not see why they need spin doctors to help them.
Lord Dubs:
I should like to make some comments and Mr McMinnis may amplify some
of the points. I do not know what type of assessment the Belfast Harbour
Commissioners have made on the value of the land. I suspect that their
reluctance to comment is because whatever they say that might be grossly
inaccurate. As the value of their assets will be crucial to the prospectus for
the eventual sale of the harbour, I can see that they do not want to say
anything publicly that might be at variance with the final valuation. They
would naturally be cautious at this stage because, should the valuation be out
of line, it would cast doubt on the way in which the prospectus is presented.
Historically, they would have some knowledge about it, but we are debating a
valuation for a prospectus that will interest potential investors. This is
crucial, and I suspect that their sensitivity stems from the fact that they do
not want to make a mess of the final prospectus and the way in which it would
be perceived.
Mr McGimpsey:
I can understand that, but on the open market, the valuation will be determined
by the market at that point. I understand that the proposals are for placements
of shares, which means that someone rings his chums in the London money markets.
It is that sort of closed bidding that makes this so important.
When one has a piece of property to sell, one gets an agent to value it,
and he may get it right or wrong. People bid for it and the final price becomes
the market value at that time. That will not happen here. I understand from
the Belfast Harbour Commissioners' proposal that fund managers in the City
of London will be asked to consider shares. There will be no bidding, and that
is why the valuation is absolutely crucial.
Lord Dubs:
I agree that the valuation is crucial. However, there are other ways. Theoretically,
they could be advised of a value for the shares and then put them on the market.
If they are undervalued, people would make a killing overnight, and we are
anxious that there should not be any overnight killings. The advice that I
have received is that the suggested method of offering the shares will maximise
the return and is consistent with providing a safeguard against people mounting
a takeover in the way that has happened elsewhere. We are trying to avoid fat
cats and takeover bids and are hoping to maximise the return. The advice that
I have received is that the way suggested will better achieve those ends. I
am not an expert in this area, and I have to listen to the people who are.
I was asked about how much information from our advisers could be made
public. I shall ask Mr McMinnis to comment on that. The Department needs
advisers to enable it to carry out informed scrutiny of the harbour proposals.
Independent advisers enable us to make a critical assessment of the Belfast
Harbour Commissioners' proposals rather than simply having to accept them on
the basis of their advice. Mr McMinnis will comment on whether any of
that can go public and at what point. After that I shall deal with the
Westlink and blackmail points.
Mr McMinnis:
PricewaterhouseCoopers and McGrigor Donald are providing ongoing
advice to us on the proposed sale of Belfast harbour. There is no report that
we can simply hand over to you. The Minister is right to say that this is a
sensitive commercial issue. For the reasons that I gave earlier, we have not
pronounced on the Harbour Commissioners' proposals. We are waiting to hear
from this Committee and from the Assembly, and the transfer scheme has still
to be published.
On the value point, it is important to remember that not just the land but
a brand new business would be up for sale.
Once they have established themselves as a successful business, BHC can get
involved in the kind of things that the Minister was talking about, such as
engaging in a joint venture with port authorities in Great Britain. That
is one of many ideas being discussed by the board at the moment. These would
be described in the prospectus, allowing prospective investors to form an
opinion on the value of the new business. As Mr Gimpsey said, the land
will be of crucial importance, as will existing-and potential- profits. Our
advisors will study the price/earnings ratio of ports in Great Britain
and compare them with those of Belfast Harbour Commissioners to see if they
compare favourably. All of these considerations will have to be taken into
account before a final decision is reached.
Let me deal quickly with the method of sale. The initial proposals from Belfast
Harbour Commissioners were concerned only with encouraging financial institutions
to take a stake in this business. However, we in the Department encouraged
the Commissioners - we are Northern Ireland people after all - to make
their offer more widely available to the public. We proposed that they use
local intermediaries, banks and building societies to make shares available
to the general public. We are pleased that they agreed. It is no longer a question
of selling the port to five or six financial institutions. We intend to discuss
the business with these financial institutions as part of a book building process
in order to determine how much the port is worth and how much they are prepared
to pay for it. Clearly, we will be keen for it to realise its full value.
Lord Dubs:
Mr McGimpsey used the words "pre-cooked" and
"blackmail" when he talked of Westlink. Before the Chancellor's
announcement, the Government were under enormous pressure to increase
investment in the infrastructure of Northern Ireland, not just roads but
a whole range of things. One important element in the Chancellor's
announcement was that £70 million would be spent on important roads in
Northern Ireland. I am deeply unhappy about the use of the word
"blackmail". As devolution was some time in the future, the
Government had to find ways to raise the money necessary for the successful
economic development of Northern Ireland. The strategic roads mentioned
by the Chancellor are an important part of that. We felt that speed was of the
essence; we would not hold up schemes. We would do the preparatory work,
because we felt that we owed it to people to get these schemes under way as
soon as possible.
Doing nothing about the ownership of the harbour was not an option for the
Government. If the Harbour Commissioners were to develop the land themselves,
the money raised could not be used for the roads. If that had not been the
case, we might have looked at the matter differently; but it is the case. We
had to use the assets for the economic betterment of Northern Ireland rather
than leave them as they were.
We felt that there was a way forward which would help Northern Ireland
economically, based on the Chancellor's announcement and the proposals that
the Committee is currently considering. If we do not do this, the harbour will
be left as it is. Some changes will have to be made as per the Trust Ports
Review, but it will remain the way it is, and there will be no assets to use
for the good of Northern Ireland. That is the alternative. I do not like
the word "blackmail", but it seems to me that a simple choice will
have to be made.
We wanted the Assembly to take the driving seat on this; difficult
decisions will have to be made, and we cannot see any way of avoiding that.
The Chancellor has produced a net increase of £70 million for
Northern Ireland through the sale of the harbour. If the Assembly's view
is that they do not want this or they have a better suggestion, so be it. I
sound as if I am preaching; I do not mean to. That decision falls properly
within the remit of the Assembly. You have to decide what is most important;
should you cut expenditure on roads or cut expenditure on other things and
keep roads going? Some very clear choices will have to be made. The Government
did not wish to put improper pressure on our successors, but the Chancellor,
in good faith, was merely saying that this was the best way forward.
Mr McGimpsey:
We were told originally that the roads would not be built unless the sale
of the harbour went ahead, but your letter to Belfast City Council says that
the road schemes are going ahead.
Lord Dubs:
There are two sets of road schemes. I announced certain other schemes, but
we are talking about the main road schemes announced by the Chancellor.
Mr McGimpsey:
The Westlink was the big project announced by the Chancellor; it is also
the big project mentioned in your letter.
Lord Dubs:
We are proceeding because the Government have said, in good faith, that we
will proceed with those schemes. We have also said that it will be up to the
Assembly, when it takes over, to decide on the priorities that it thinks are
proper for Northern Ireland. I have said on a number of occasions that choices
will have to be made, and if the Assembly does not wish to proceed with the
plans for the sale of the harbour, £70 million will have to be found from
elsewhere or cuts will have to be made. Those are the day-to-day political
choices that Governments have to make.
Mr Byrne:
I am concerned that we are rushing towards a predetermined outcome. You are
presenting us with a dilemma over the £70 million that is needed for the
roads. A proper economic appraisal of the development potential of these 2000 acres
has not been done. According to the recent unemployment figures, 25,000 people
in Belfast are out of work. We have a duty to ensure that this land is utilised
so as to address that problem.
At the same time, we have to consider the existing harbour and its
potential for future development. It is worrying that Belfast has slipped back
as a port facility and that Dublin has moved ahead of us. The Harbour
Commissioners' submissions do not emphasise how they intend to develop the
port; they seem preoccupied with utilising the landbank as a resource. If
there is no proper economic appraisal of its development potential, I do not
know how the land, as it presently stands, can be valued.
Mr McGimpsey mentioned the shortage of land in Belfast for industrial
units. It seems to me that it is not good enough for the Department of the
Environment solely to be handling this matter. We need to have an
interdepartmental approach involving the Department of the Environment and the
Department of Economic Development as this is a vital resource, not only for
the people of Belfast, but also for the people of Northern Ireland.
I am also concerned that it is only now that we seem to be talking about
the other ports - Warrenpoint and Lisahally in Derry. The Warrenpoint Port
Users' Association wants to see Warrenpoint port expanded and developed. There
has to be a comprehensive examination of how the three ports can be developed
to their potential, be it niche-market services or whatever for the smaller
ports.
Finally, I am sure that there are other things which could be looked at.
Surely we should not be afraid of looking at developing a free port enterprise
park in Belfast, if need be. This is an ideal location for people from north,
west and east Belfast. We want Belfast, as a city, to revitalise itself from
a retail and general business perspective. The Department of the Environment
is looking at this from a very narrow perspective at the moment. The Harbour
Commissioners are looking at it from a very subjective perspective. The Committee's
remit enables it to be wider in its deliberations.
I do not like the problem concerning the £70 million required for road
improvements. The Minister will be aware that I have lobbied for many years
about the roads in my part of the world. I do not want to see this asset being
frittered away purely for the roads.
Mr Morrow:
The whole consultation process greatly concerns me. We were told initially
that the whole future road infrastructure in Northern Ireland depends
upon the sale of the harbour. That, to say the least, is quite outrageous.
Furthermore, what is being handed down to us is ludicrous. It is a case of
"this is what we are going to do, and before you agree to do it we are
going to read it out to you and tell you". Paragraph 12 of the Minister's
written submission states
"In considering the Commissioners' proposals the Department has been
drawing on the advice of PricewaterhouseCoopers, and McGrigor Donald".
Pricewaterhouse only considered the proposals of the Harbour Commissioners.
Are there other proposals which we should know about?
The Department of the Environment has established a project team led by a
senior civil servant and consisting of officials with experience of earlier
privatisations. Who are they? Does the team exist yet? May we have access to
the information which they have? May we have this information made available
to us?
With regard to the sale of the harbour, I suspect that it will be sold in
the same way as every other asset has been sold - wrongly. There is no redress
after something has been sold. It is put up for sale and it is sold. If you
get it wrong you shrug your shoulders and walk away. That happened with the
sale of the airport, British Airport Authority, British Telecom and the building
societies. Do I need to continue? Tell me of one which was sold correctly?
How can we guarantee that we will get this one right? There is no guarantee
that this will be the case. It is most likely, if past experience is anything
to go by, that the harbour will not be sold correctly.
I would like to know a bit about the team which the Department has established.
How far has its study progressed? Can we have access to it?
Lord Dubs:
Mr Byrne asked about the development potential of the land. At the risk of
upsetting my officials, I may say that I do not think that Government Departments
are very good at dealing with matters that involve commercial decisions. There
is a view that Government should be good at this, but my experience of civil
servants and Ministers is that they are not good at that sort of thing.
Mr Byrne:
At the same time they should not give the land away.
Lord Dubs:
Of course not. Although there may be better ways of proceeding, we have to
take action on the landbank, and there will be no action if the harbour is
left as it is. Even if the Department could take the lead on this matter, we
do not have the legislative power. Land gets developed because individual
enterprises, mostly private companies, although there may be some
publicly-owned businesses as well, feel that they can do it in a way that is
economically advantageous. The skill lies in maximising the benefit of such
decisions, slotting them into the scarce resource of land. Even if the
Department had the powers, I do not think that that would be the right way
forward.
Although I am a long-standing Labour Party member, I have to say that in
some fields the private sector is better than the Civil Service. This is one
such field in which the private sector can work for the economic benefit of
the people of Belfast and of Northern Ireland. We must ask ourselves whether
there are better options than the one that we are discussing. In terms of broad
principles, I am not sure that there are. We need to make sure that the public
sector is not putting an artificial brake on the development of an asset. We
must allow development to proceed, and we must encourage it for the benefit
of Northern Ireland's forward-moving economy. In what way could one develop
the land to achieve that other than in the way that is being discussed?
Part of the benefit of the review of Trust Ports is that the ports of
Warrenpoint and Lisahally have come up with proposals. We are not happy about
all aspects of them but at least the issues are being discussed and we wish to
resolve matters in the wider interest of Northern Ireland. I am reluctant
to hold Belfast back, although I understand the difficulties and sensitivities
over Warrenpoint and Lisahally. My fear is that Dublin would benefit.
Mr Beggs:
Larne port should also be considered.
Lord Dubs:
Larne is a private enterprise port. As far as I am aware, it has not
approached us on this matter.
Mr McMinnis:
We have considered Larne's interests as well as those of the ports of
Warrenpoint, Lisahally and Coleraine.
Lord Dubs:
Larne is in the private sector and has to accept the virtues of competition.
Dublin is getting its act together rather well and is developing its
competitive edge. Northern Ireland's ports need to keep a good cutting
edge, and that applies to Belfast more than to the others. I understand the
concerns of Warrenpoint and Lisahally, but I do not want all the port business
in Northern Ireland to decline and Dublin to benefit. I want ports in the
whole of Ireland to do well.
Mr Byrne:
The emphasis in the proposals is on land disposal through flotation. There
is no great emphasis on the development of port facilities or on how Belfast
could get itself back to a premier position. Those are serious defects in the
proposals.
Lord Dubs:
I am not aware that they have not done that but perhaps Mr McMinnis
would care to comment?
Mr McMinnis:
My understanding of the Harbour Commissioner's position is that trade through
the port has more or less levelled out. They see the future growth and potential
of the port to be through diversification, and they wish to move into the private
sector to be able to capitalise on ideas which they are currently unable to
pursue. They recognise that there is a natural level which they are close to
reaching. They refer to that level as a plateau, and they do not wish to slide
down the hill by standing still. Instead they wish to develop and move into
new business ventures.
Mr Byrne raised another point about the interdepartmental approach. I set
up and chaired the first interdepartmental group which brought together every
Northern Ireland Department. We sought their views on every conceivable
issue that could be raised by the privatisation of the port of Belfast, ranging
from ensuring proper medical cover for persons with infectious diseases arriving
in ships from overseas to more major matters such as future war planning, emergency
planning, the implications for Northern Ireland if the port of Belfast
were to move into the private sector and how we would handle or address that.
All of these issues are being considered but we cannot put the final seal on
the matter until we know the Assembly's views on the whole concept.
Lord Dubs:
Mr Byrne asked about the feasibility of a free port or an enterprise park.
I am unsure as to whether or not such a suggestion has already been put
forward, but if it subsequently is then the Government would wish to consider
it. I am interested in all ideas which might prove helpful, and if the Harbour
Commissioners support the proposal then I will wish to hear their views. If
the Harbour Commissioners pick up on such an idea from other sources then they
will, no doubt, put forward their views.
Mr McMinnis:
The senior management teams at the other ports are much better equipped
than we, as civil servants, are to suggest how those ports might be developed
- for example Mr Byrne suggested niche markets. We are there to provide
help and support with matters such as the development of a deep-water quay at
Warrenpoint. In this instance we intend to made a bid to Brussels for grant
assistance with a £7 million project and this is currently being
advanced. We can do this type of thing to help but they are the people with
the business acumen, and they must initiate and lead such ideas.
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