Report of the AD HOC COMMITTEE (PORT OF BELFAST)
ANNEXE D
OFFICIAL TRANSCRIPTIONS OF ORAL EVIDENCE (Continued)
Mr Beggs:
Is that the ICTU view rather than the view of the port unions?
Mr Graham:
No. In the strategy against privatisation, the response to the Trust Ports
Review came from the Port of Belfast trade union side and has been endorsed
by the Irish Congress of Trade Unions.
Mr Hay:
I am slightly worried about the ballot that has been mentioned. Roy Beggs
is right. We should not be dictated to by 74 people as to what might happen in
Belfast port. The Harbour Commissioners will use it in their PR exercise. They
would be foolish if they did not. Joe Public will probably hear all sorts of
stories. Does the union have plans to address what is happening? It is obvious
that the commissioners have taken the advantage of the unions being "out
of town". You need to look at the figure of 74, or whatever it is. Have
you any plans to address that again? If you were asked by the Harbour
Commissioners to sit down with them and look at a ballot in which you and they
would be involved would you accept the invitation?
Mr Graham:
Trade unions have an obligation to consult and to keep in touch with their
members. We obviously have to address that point, but the issue goes beyond
that. That has been correctly identified this morning. It is not, nor should
it be, within the gift of Gordon Irwin and every member of staff in the
Belfast Harbour to determine the future of a key economic asset of Northern Ireland.
I suspect that there was a hard sell in which people were told about the wonderful
benefits that would flow from the opportunity to be preferential shareholders
and so on.
Mr Hay:
Do you have any plans to counter or address that?
Mr Graham:
We shall certainly have to look at that, discuss it in the joint trade union
forum and take it forward from there.
Mr Tierney:
It is important to recognise that the Committee is being presented with a
trade union submission. We shall take on board what the trade union is saying
when making our minds up.
The Chairman:
As there are no more questions, perhaps you would like to make a winding-up
submission in the light of the questions that have been put to you, Mr Graham.
Mr Graham:
I again thank the Committee for the opportunity to make the presentation
on behalf of members. We are available if you require additional information.
We shall obviously have to follow up some issues, including the one that has
just been mentioned. We shall also carefully follow the progress of the EC move
against golden shares, not just in respect of Belfast harbour but also because
of the implications of that for many other privatisations, both past and planned.
Our key interest in this is protecting our members' terms and conditions
of employment and, more importantly, their job security. We could have been
as narrow as that. However, we decided from the outset of our program of action
to concentrate not just on the small limited numbers of direct employees of
Belfast harbour but to focus on the economic role of the harbour in Northern Ireland's
economy, the job security and jobs spin-off from its role. We want to try to
ensure that the harbour is utilised properly and fairly for port users in the
interests of the Province. Our solution is one that is innovative, one that
operates in many other countries. A semi-state body with full commercial powers
is in the interests of our members, directly employed, other workers within
the harbour estate and all other workers and families in the Province.
We believe that the privatisation route has failed and will fail again. We
are not in the position of having potential investors out there saying "Well,
what could we do for the good of the port of Belfast? What can we do for the
good of Northern Ireland?" Potential investors out there are saying "Give
us a chance to get in and get more profits to put into share dividends and
into the hands of the corporate management teams". We would see again
what has happened everywhere else. Initially Northern Ireland institutions
or individuals may hold the bulk of the shares, but over a period they will
become part of a multinational-type organisation. The benefits from the port
would haemorrhage out of Northern Ireland into city institutions and into
the hands of one or two individuals who would benefit considerably from it.
Our proposals are in the interests of every citizen of Northern Ireland
and we hope that in your deliberations you would take that on board.
The Chairman:
Thank you very much, Mr Graham, for a very informative report.
AD HOC COMMITTEE
(PORT OF BELFAST)
MINUTES OF EVIDENCE THURSDAY 1 APRIL 1999
(Mr S Wilson in the Chair) Witnesses:
Mr N Dodds, Ms C McAuley
Ms M T McGivern, Mr B Hanna
and Mr R Stoker
(Belfast City Council)
The Chairman:
I would like to welcome you all to the Committee. I apologise for the delay
as we have had some difficulty in reaching a quorum. I am sure you will understand
that people have other things to do today. It was touch-and-go as to whether
we were going to convene the Committee at all, but we decided to go ahead.
A lot of Committee members are absent, so we had to press-gang some people
who may not be au fait with the subject, as they have not been at previous
meetings. Rather than bring you here for no purpose, we thought that you might
like to make a formal presentation to us and then answer some questions.
Afterwards, we would like to adjourn and, if possible, come back for a longer
question session on Thursday 22 April. I am sure that there are many
members who would have liked to have been here this morning to put some fairly
rigorous questions, but who have been detained by previous commitments. I know
this is not a very satisfactory arrangement, but if it is acceptable to you,
we will proceed on that basis.
Mr Dodds:
We understand the difficulties facing Assembly Members today and we are
glad that the Committee is able to proceed. All the members of the Committee
should have received a copy of the paper prepared by the development committee
of Belfast City Council. I should say that I am speaking in my capacity as
chairman of that Committee and I am accompanied by Cllr Stoker,
Cllr McAuley, the chief executive of Belfast City Council,
Mr Brian Hanna, and the director of development, Marie-Thérèse McGivern.
The development committee is a relatively new committee of the council which
has been set up to look after economic development, tourism and the promotion
of Belfast and the arts. We see ourselves as having a strategic role in the
development of Belfast, and since the formation of the new committee and the
new department we have made a considerable impact on development issues in
Belfast; we certainly intend to build on that work.
The views that we express today are the views of the development committee.
Belfast City Council has not yet had the opportunity to come to definite conclusions
on the proposals of the Harbour Commissioners, though the development committee
has discussed these at length. We have met with the Minister responsible, and
with the Harbour Commissioners, and have received presentations from them and
from others. The views that we express are therefore the views unanimously
agreed by the members of the Committee.
I do not intend to go through this whole paper but instead to highlight some
of the main points. You may question us about any issues at this stage, but
we would be very happy to come back on another occasion to answer questions
in detail.
We see Belfast port as being integral to the development of the City of Belfast.
Belfast was built around the port, and the port has, and will continue to have,
major importance in relation to the economic and strategic development of the
city. One cannot divorce the future of Belfast port, and the land in it that
is the responsibility of the Harbour Commissioners, from the well-being of
the city and the people of Belfast and greater Belfast. One must take into
account the economic importance of the port to Belfast and to the whole of
Northern Ireland.
I am sure you are aware that 60% of the entire seaborne trade of
Northern Ireland goes through Belfast. It is the biggest port on the
island of Ireland; it takes one quarter of the entire trade coming into and
out of the island of Ireland; and we have been pleased about the phenomenal
growth in passenger traffic through Belfast, much of which used to go through
Larne. You have all the facts and figures about how important the port is and
about the great strides that have been made in recent years to make the port a
very efficient and effective harbour, thanks in large part to European
funding.
I now turn to some of the issues of real concern to us. There are nearly
2000 acres of land in the harbour - 1950 to be precise - 855 acres
of which are directly related to port activities while the remaining 1095 acres
are not. This is something that the Committee must focus on: the large amount
of land that is the responsibility of the Harbour Commissioners yet not at
all directly related to port activities. Clearly, what happens to that land
and how it is developed will have a major impact upon Belfast and the whole
of Northern Ireland.
Our primary concern is to ensure that that land is developed in the interests
of all the people and the economy and not merely in the interests of a few.
Inevitably we are concerned that if the port is privatised, it will be the
interests of the shareholders' private capital which will be to the fore and
not the interests of the wider economic concerns of the people of Belfast and
Northern Ireland.
Of the 1095 acres of land that is not directly port-related, 760 acres
are held on long leases by Bombardier Aerospace Short Brothers plc and
Harland & Wolff. Shorts Bombardier holds 460 acres and Harland &
Wolff holds 300 acres. The land is held on 125 year-long leases which
were negotiated on generally favourable terms when those companies were privatised
- low rents and so on. The important thing is that that land can only be used
in relation to the core activities of those businesses. Any profits yielded
have to be shared with the Harbour Commissioners, and development has to be
agreed with them.
We would vehemently oppose any suggestion that the land should pass into
private ownership. It is a large swathe of land and in the case of
Harland & Wolff, who own a lot of land right on the waterfront,
there would be the potential for a port within a port. Another 160 acres
is leased to tenants such as Laganside and the Odyssey project and
90 acres which is given over to conservation purposes. That leaves about
85 acres available for development.
The Belfast Harbour Commissioners are very keen to stress that there are
only 85 acres available for development. Do not get sidetracked by the
issue of how much land could be used for non-port activities. There is currently
a large amount of land which is held on long leases by Harland & Wolff
and Bombardier Aerospace Short Brothers, and there is the potential for
that land to be released for non-port activity and development purposes if
those leases were renegotiated under some new regime or if those companies
managed to get hold of that land in freehold themselves.
We have to look very carefully at the Belfast Harbour Commissioners' claim
that there is only a small amount of land left for development. They have pointed
out that they can reclaim land and thereby make more land available. The Harbour
Commissioners Annual Report for 1997 states
"Development of the Commissioners' land resources continued during the
year with due attention being given, as always, to land required or likely
to be required for port operational uses, particularly irreplaceable deep water
frontage".
Furthermore, the commissioners plan to
"reclaim additional land north of the Victoria Terminals, which will
accommodate a further 40,000 sq m of transit warehousing".
Therefore it is impossible, in our view, on the current information from
Belfast Harbour Commissioners, to accurately estimate the amount of land available
for development in the future. Those issues need to be looked at very carefully
before decisions are made which are based purely on this information.
We have a number of other concerns. We believe that the consultation process
has been woefully inadequate so far. There are a number of stakeholders who
have not been properly consulted - the Freight Forwarders Association, the
Confederation of British Industry, Belfast Shipping Agents Association and
the Port Users Committee. There also has not been adequate consultation with
Belfast City Council.
I remind the Committee that a member of Belfast City Council is a commissioner
and is appointed to the Belfast Harbour Commissioners' board. Therefore, under
the present regime, the importance of the council and the people it represents
is recognised by the Belfast Harbour Commissioners in the making of their decisions,
yet throughout this consultation process, so-called, we do not believe as a
council that we have been adequately and properly consulted in terms of having
a proper and effective input.
We have been told that the flotation is expected to yield some
£100 million and the Department of the Environment has already
anticipated that the proceeds will finance a series of major infrastructure
and road projects across Northern Ireland. In our view, the announcement
that was made by the Chancellor, Gordon Brown, when he came to
Northern Ireland last spring was an attempt at blackmail. It was put to
elected representatives that they would not get money for road developments
such as the Toomebridge bypass, the development of the Loughbrickland/Newry
road as a dual carriageway and improvements to the Londonderry/Ballygawley
road unless the privatisation went ahead.
Many people, including members of Belfast City Council and others elected
representatives, very much resented that pre-emptive strike. We in Belfast
City Council feel that it is not right that the proceeds from the sale of the
port should already be accounted for in this way. It is an attempt to set elected
representative against elected representative, community against community,
constituency against constituency and council against council. We have very
strong views on that. We have no objection to roads and infrastructure projects
going ahead; we would welcome that. However, regardless of whether the privatisation
of Belfast port is a good idea, we do not feel that it is right for the Government
to influence the issue in this way.
Belfast City Council believes that it has played a major role in terms of
the developments that have taken place in Belfast. Lanyon Place, the
gasworks site, the renovation of St George's market and the north
foreshore are all examples of major developments in which Belfast City Council
has played a leading role in partnership with other bodies both public and
private.
We believe that, given our track record and our electoral mandate to represent
the people of Belfast, we have the right to be fully consulted, in a real and
effective way, about what is going to happen to our port. That right must be
taken into account in relation to the privatisation process. We hope that locally
elected representatives will take the decision on the port's future. We would
welcome that.
However, we urge the Assembly, when taking that decision, not to repeat the
mistakes of the present Government and previous Governments; nor should it
adopt the attitude of the Harbour Commissioners. We urge the Assembly to keep
Belfast City Council, as the elected body in Belfast, fully involved in the
decision-making process concerning the port's future.
Belfast City Council fully recognises that the port has operated under certain
constraints and that there are certain changes which need to be made in order
to face the challenges of the coming years.
We recognise what the Harbour Commissioners have said in relation to European
funding. They have been very assertive in their view that no more European
funding will be available. However, given the changes which are taking place
in relation to structural funding, it remains an open question as to whether
the harbour may be able to call down urban regeneration funds, for instance.
That is an area which should not be closed off. Belfast City Council thinks
that the wider context of the new structural funding apparatus and changes
needs to be borne in mind in relation to the future.
The Port of Belfast is a substantial local employer. It is the largest landlord
in Belfast. Previous examples of privatisation in Northern Ireland have
not benefited the people. They have benefited some fat cats, and we do not
want to see some more fat cats being created from the privatisation of Belfast
port.
The Harbour Commissioners are saying that, in relation to the public and
private partnership proposal, a golden share should be retained by the Department
- whatever it is to be called. Given its important role in representing the
people of Belfast - it is represented on the Harbour Commissioners - the council's
concerns about the golden share should be recognised. I am sure that the new
Minister will want to look closely at that. We would not like that to go by
default.
There has not been proper consultation, and further consultation is needed.
The preferred option that has emerged has come without the necessary detailed
analysis and consultation. Further work needs to be done - for instance in
relation to the concept of a semi-state body - and the council can help with
those deliberations. We should not sacrifice a set-up that is in the public
good and in the wider interests of Belfast and Northern Ireland for the
sake of advancing a few shareholders' profits in a private company.
Mr Tierney:
I wish to ask about your summary. There are about four or five different
options and most of those who have already given evidence have favoured one
or another of them. I am surprised that your written submission does not contain
Belfast City Council's preferred option. I accept the point about discussion
and consultation. Some other witnesses have agreed that there has not been
enough discussion and consultation on the matter.
I should like Belfast Council to give the Committee its preferred option
or rule out other options. If it does not have a preferred option, I would
be interested in its views on other options. Perhaps it will have had a full
discussion with the Belfast Harbour Commissioners by the next meeting and we
could look at this at that stage. I agree that Belfast City Council is an important
wheel in this whole exercise, and I should like to know which options it is
for and against.
Mr Kelly:
I apologise for the absence of colleagues who are engaged, as are many others,
in meetings elsewhere. We are fairly up to speed on the situation surrounding
Belfast harbour.
At the last meeting, I said that Belfast harbour did not really affect
people in rural constituencies. Those on the periphery did not pay much
attention to it until Lord Dubs came to a meeting of Magherafelt District
Council and said that the Toome bypass project was contingent on the sale of
Belfast harbour. Cllr Dodds has rightly said that that has created
tension between rural and urban constituencies.
People who live outside Belfast are ignorant about what is going on at
Belfast harbour. They were not even aware that Belfast City Council had set up
a committee to deal with the harbour. It would be useful for that committee to
arrange to visit areas such as Magherafelt and others west of the Bann. It
would help to put people in the picture and would enable them to air concerns
about how the future standing of Belfast harbour might affect or disadvantage
those areas.
The Chairman:
A few more questions can be taken, and then they can be responded to as a
block.
Mr Maginness:
What distinguishes Belfast from other ports is the fact that there is a substantial
amount of land attached to the port. Does Belfast City Council have a definitive
view on how that land could be developed in the public interest? The question
that many people are now asking, leaving aside the port and its operations,
is "How can that land be developed in the public interest, and under public
control, if that is necessary to protect the public interest?"
The Chairman:
Mr Dodds, you have three comments there. Two or three members still want to
speak. To avoid forgetting some of the points that have been made, do you want
to deal with those before taking the next few questions?
Mr Dodds:
Yes, Mr Chairman, and I am happy for colleagues to come in on this.
The first point was about the council having a definite view on the matter.
Certainly the council and the committee will look at this issue in considerable
detail. We did not want to do what is sometimes the easiest thing to do, which
is to pass a resolution after a cursory hour or hour and a half of debate and
adopt it as the council's position. The committee has tried, and will continue
to try, to reach decisions that are based on full consultation, discussion
and looking at the options, thus preparing our views before submitting them
to the full council. We are doing that in relation to a whole range of issues.
Individual councillors have their views on preferred options, but it would
be wrong for me to advise on any particular option in advance of the council
reaching a decision. We will come to a view on this. However, I can say that
the options of doing nothing, undertaking a simple trade sale - as was done
in relation to the airport - or perhaps remaining as a trust port would not
find much support.
Much work should be done in considering whether the port should become some
sort of semi-state body as opposed to simply opting for public/private partnership.
We do not think that enough work has yet been done in exploring that option,
and that issue could be developed further when we come back.
The views expressed on the proceeds of the sale are echoed by all parties
across the Province. I do not want to make a political point and there is no
particular edge to what I am about to say, which is that when Chancellor Gordon Brown
came to the Province, his announcement about all the money that was to be made
available for infrastructure projects got many headlines just in advance of
a certain very significant vote.
Some of us in Belfast were busily trying to publicise the fact that it was
at the cost of Belfast port. That somehow seemed to get buried in the detail,
and we were trying to point out that there is no such thing as a free lunch
and that something would have to be sold off to pay for it.
The Council's job is to take these issues on board. We shall talk to people
in Belfast and in government, and we should also talk to local government colleagues
throughout the Province. We should deal with concerns and inform people of
our views and of Belfast City Council's role in relation to the port. We must
follow up such matters.
With regard to the final point about the development of the land, the guiding
principle should clearly be that the land be developed as part of a wider,
strategic plan for Belfast and Northern Ireland. Our concern is that the
land will be developed, without reference to what is going on elsewhere, in
Belfast and in the Greater Belfast area, in the interests of private companies
who will be selling off or developing land in a piecemeal fashion. We have
already seen this happening at the harbour in the case of the D5 area,
which is being used for supermarket development and so on.
The unanimous view of Belfast City Council's planning committee, which includes
representatives of all parties - and the Chairman knows this, as he has been
heavily involved in the work of that committee - was that this was a bad development
for Belfast because it would take shops and customers out of the city centre
and increase traffic in that part of the city. This was not in keeping with
the overall plan for the city - and, yet, it went ahead.
We want to see that land being developed as part of a strategic plan for
all of Belfast, and not just as a sort of island where things happen without
regard to what is being done elsewhere. It is right in the heart of the city,
and, as Alban Maginness has already said, represents a massive amount of
land, the majority of which is not used for port-related activity. That is
what we must bear in mind when we are discussing the privatisation of the
port, and we have to be very careful about who has control of the land and the
implications of that for the future of the city and of Northern Ireland
as a whole.
Mr Stoker:
We tried to arrange meetings with the Harbour Commissioners and with Lord Dubs,
and the first time we succeeded in meeting them was in February of this year.
So, for two or three years, they put us off, before, eventually, coming
along with their own proposals. We do not believe that that is true consultation.
We will be taking a different approach. We will actually be consulting the
people, rather than just giving them a list of options from which to pick. We
will listen to all their views and come up with a proposal which will suit not
only the people of Belfast but the people of Northern Ireland as a whole.
We are talking about the future of the port and not just about its future for
the next five or ten years. This is a long-term issue, and we have to get it
right this time for the benefit of all the people. There must be proper
consultation with the people about their wishes for the future of the port.
Ms McAuley:
There is a need for a more comprehensive options analysis and appraisal,
and - as we have just heard, with regard to the Toome bypass - that should be
done alongside consultation with the local council. We need to consider
examples of successful practice elsewhere, including the port of Dublin, and
we need to understand that there is a broader picture.
We would fully support an extension to the consultation process to ensure
that all interested parties have their say. We felt that the council had been
snubbed and our views on this issue ignored. It took a long time to get Lord Dubs
to meet the council to discuss its proposals, and, in general, the process
has not been sufficiently transparent.
We need wider consultation. This Committee should consider afresh the views
of Belfast City Council, which take into account the overall context of sustainable,
economic development for the city and for the rest of the North of Ireland
and beyond.
The Chairman:
I want to take two more questions because, although we will be returning
to this issue on 22 April, some people have expressed a wish to speak
today.
Mr Roche:
I will be very brief. I may be reiterating some of the concerns of Mr Tierney,
but he will keep me right if I am not. It seems to me that, in general, your
presentation fails to address, first of all, the commercial considerations
that have given rise to the consideration of the future of the port. I think
that those commercial considerations are threefold.
First of all, in terms of commercial activity, as indicated by its profitability
levels, the port has reached a plateau after a considerable rise associated
with very considerable amounts of European Union funding, which under any future
possible scenario - and whatever possible scenario exists should be utilised
for the future - would simply not be available. The third consideration is
that we have within a small island the potential for very considerable competition
from Dublin.
All of those factors give an imperative and an urgency to the consideration
of the commercial structures that will guarantee the future of the port. As
has been quite rightly said, this is integral to the future prosperity of Belfast
and, indeed, to Northern Ireland as a whole. However, having established
all that, legitimate concern has been expressed about the issue of the land
and how that land might properly be developed in the interests of Belfast.
You have suggested that it should be done in terms of an overall strategy for
the development of the city - I am not aware that such an overall strategy
exists. As well as that, when it comes to a consideration of the PPP option,
that is somewhat dismissed on the basis of a fairly low-level argument involving
resorting to the concepts of fat cats and feeding shareholders.
The simple fact is that any commercial business will not, in some irresponsible
way, feed its shareholders. First of all, to feed its shareholders, it has
got to make a profit. Secondly, it has to retain out of that profit some of
the resources for future capital investment, replacement of capital, and so
on. If it does not do that, it will go bust. The market will destroy it.
The golden share option also needs to be considered. Can it just be dismissed
as of no significance? The PPP option is seen as a sort of fat cat option.
That is, I think, not taking the PPP proposal seriously. The final difficulty
with your presentation, as has already been mentioned, is that, despite your
emphasis on the urgency of the situation, it is quite obvious that you have
no options and very little idea about what options you might favour. You talked
about further consultation. There is not an unlimited amount of time available
for all of this. A responsible council, which I consider yours to be, might
at least have been expected to come up with some sort of prima facie position
that it might want to support without committing itself to any given option.
Mr McClelland:
I was going to preface my comments by saying, like Paddy Roche, "I
will be brief". I would concur very much with what Mr Roche said
and with what my colleague John Tierney said earlier, that there is very
little in the presentation that I could disagree with. However, I am very concerned
that on one hand we have this sense of urgency and on the other hand, while
you have dismissed the five proposals, you have not been very forthcoming in
bringing forward your own proposals, although Cllr Stoker has said that
the wider available options will be considered. So I agree with what has been
said. There is a sense of urgency but there has also been a failure to look
at other options.
I have one specific question. Could Cllr Dodds or the chief executive,
Mr Hanna, advise me if there is a precedent of other cities buying out
ports and if that is a possible option that you might look at?
Mr Stoker:
May I deal with this. The sense of urgency arose, in our view, because the
Harbour Commissioners wanted to complete this privatisation before the Assembly
was up and running. There was no sense of urgency on our part. The sense of
urgency has all been generated by the Harbour Commissioners. The profit is
£6·5 million a year after tax, so, in my mind, there is no sense of urgency.
It has been generated by the Harbour Commissioners themselves.
Mr McClelland:
If there is a precedent for a city buying out the port, will you look at
that option?
Mr Hanna:
I know of none in the United Kingdom. I understand that Dublin Corporation
has been involved in the arrangements for the port in the Irish Republic. However,
given the arrangements for ports in the United Kingdom- trust ports and
various others- I am not aware of any local authority having a direct ownership
arrangement. Obviously this is something that we could look into.
Mr Stoker:
The port of Dover is a trust port with extended powers, but the council
does not own it. That is probably the closest to such an arrangement, and it
operates very successfully.
Mr Dodds:
The Committee should be aware that the first time that Belfast Council was
briefed by the Harbour Commissioners on their proposals was 8 February.
Lord Dubs only came to see us after that and in spite of the fact that
we have been asking for meetings and briefings for a long time. There was no
lack of attention or diligence on our part, unlike the Harbour Commissioners.
We, as elected representatives, will be doing everything in our power to deliver
in the best interests of the people we represent.
I will pick up on a number of points that were made. Mr McClelland alleged
that we had dismissed the five proposals. We made it very clear that we have
not done that at all. Mr Roche surprisingly, given his enthusiasm for
the privatisation approach, has not mentioned the golden share. I thought that
he would want rid of that, because it is clearly a drawback to the tremendous
profits that could be made by privatisation. The Harbour Commissioners have
said that the tension of a golden share, 25% et cetera, would actually be a
brake on the commercial success of the port. It would not allow a totally free
hand. I did not hear him say anything about that but he may have on other occasions.
He said that we should remind ourselves of the success of Dublin port but
that is not a privatised port, it is a semi-state port, and when we talk about
a semi-state port, we do have some substance to what we say. He should look
carefully at how Dublin is actually set up.
His sweeping comment about EU funding is entirely the line of the Harbour
Commissioners.
They say we will get no more funding from Europe under any circumstances.
I do not know how they can say that. Certainly they will not receive any under
this single programming document. We have pointed out in our document - and
I hope that Committee members have read it - that the European Commission has
published a framework for action for 'Sustainable Urban Development in the
European Union'. This framework aims at better co-ordinated and targeted community
action for urban problems.
Consideration should be given to this document as there are many issues to
do with the proposed privatisation of Belfast port and things associated with
that which fall under its remit. We cannot say definitely that the port of
Belfast will get European funding, but neither can we say that it never will.
Mr Roche said that he was not aware of an overall strategy. The strategy
is made clear in the Government's paper 'Shaping our Future' and in the follow-up
to that as well. A Belfast metropolitan strategy is to be developed, and it
will be the overall strategy.
Mr Roche:
Mr Dodds has come as near to misrepresenting my position totally as anybody
possibly could, and I will take this up on a future occasion.
Mr Morrow:
The Harbour Commissioners stated in their verbal submission that, in future,
there would be no European funding. However, in their written executive submission,
they provided a slightly different slant, because they claimed that no further
grants were likely.
Section 7.3 of Belfast City Council's written submission states
"Furthermore, the European Commission have published a framework for
action for 'Sustainable urban development in the European Union'."
Section 7.4 states
"The issue of urban development will receive much higher priority in
the new Structural Funds Agenda 2000. It is therefore important that the
future considerations for the Port take these issues on board so that
potential resourcing can be maximised."
According to Belfast City Council, European funding will be available. Please
explain how one comes to this conclusion.
I read in one of this week's national papers that the golden share will not
be recognised in European law. However, Belfast City Council claims that there
will be no objection to the golden share under European law. It seems that
in future the golden share will have a different status under European law.
We shall need to look carefully at that anomaly.
I should also like further clarification on Mr Dodds's submission
regarding the sale of Belfast port.
Ms McGivern:
The document which Cllr Dodds showed to the Committee - and copies
will be made available to committee members - clearly states that, when
considering applications for the next structural funds round, the European
Union will give a significantly higher priority to the concept of sustainable
urban development than had been the case in previous rounds. The Harbour
Commissioners have always assumed that there would be no further European
funding.
However, the document shows that there will be many opportunities to attract
and maximise European funding for the port and, in particular, to develop the
land around it, under the framework of sustainable urban development. That
funding opportunity, which the Harbour Commissioners dismissed, should be considered,
regardless of the port's future structure. If the port were privatised, the
new private developer would seek European funding. To say different would be
nonsense.
The document details the European Commission's plans for the new structural
funds and the elements that it will be looking for in any application for a
single programming document for Northern Ireland. Ultimately it will be
for the Assembly to shape that new single programming document.
Dr McDonnell:
I apologise to our visitors for the brutal onslaught by our colleague Mr Roche.
I hope that it will not prejudice our search for the subtleties of the details.
I am at a disadvantage in that, like some other members of the Committee,
I have a foot in both camps. The rumoured valuation of the Belfast port at
£100 million seems ridiculous. I should like to have the port valued.
Perhaps the council could comment that.
Two issues emerged from Mr Dodds's presentation. The functioning of
the port - which is perceived by many as the primary issue - is the lesser
issue when compared with the use of the land bank. Perhaps Mr Hanna could
outline the implications for Belfast of the port's privatisation.
Mr Dodds also spoke about the golden share. Like Mr Morrow, I think
that the golden share is of no value as it can be removed at a stroke.
Is there a case, or are you making a case, for Belfast to have a meaningful
equity stake in the port in future? My main point relates to the valuation of
the port. What happens if this land is allowed to go? Are you saying that the
use of the land is a more important issue for Belfast than the functioning of
the port?
Mr Dodds:
There is no doubt that the use of the non-port land is the crucial issue
for many people. The golden share certainly merits further exploration. One
of the great selling points of the preferred option is the protection that
will be provided by the golden share. If a golden share is not available, or
if it is not worth much, that would raise questions about that option. That
will have to be explored. If an effective golden share were to proceed, there
would be a role for the council in relation to its ownership or management.
Mr Hanna:
When we discuss Belfast, we tend to mean the metropolitan area. Belfast is
almost surrounded by hills, and it has a lough in front of it and a fairly
tight boundary. There is little development land in the city outside the port.
For some years, out-of-town developments have been causing considerable
difficulties. There are proposed developments at Knocknagoney, Castlereagh and
Newtownabbey, and the city centre is undoubtedly beginning to creak at the
seams, certainly in terms of retailing.
In other areas of the city development is proving beneficial, but developments
such as the Waterfront Hall and the Odyssey project are not so much in
the retailing area. It will be for the Assembly to decide the matter, but whatever
its decision the question of land development is crucial to the future development
of Belfast City Council.
The 'Shaping Our Future' document is not yet in its final form. It is still
the subject of discussion and consultation, and we made substantial submissions
about it through our consultants, Building Design Partnership. The authors
of that document rightly take the view that the city is the heart of the region
and that the region needs a healthy, vibrant city.
We have lost 25% of our population since 1973. Some of that was to be
expected; people are better housed than they used to be. Like many other
cities, Belfast has the problems of out-of-town development and the associated
increase in traffic. At a meeting yesterday, the Department of the
Environment's Roads Service again proposed driving a new road through the city
centre. That road would cross the gasworks site, potentially ruining a
development site which could have been of major assistance to people from both
sides of the community in Donegall Pass, the Markets, Lower Ormeau
and other parts of the city.
The port and the development land are crucial. We have not come to a final
view, which is hardly surprising given the way we have been consulted. The
city council will continue to try to come to a rational view. It affects other
people as well, and they will also have to adopt a view. You have only to walk
around Belfast to realise that, unlike other cities, it does not have the development
sites, outside the port, that it needs. Liverpool, for example, which has,
in many ways, been struggling in recent times, has plenty of land available
for development. Other cities have that benefit too; we do not.
I want to emphasise what has already been said: this issue must be taken
seriously, and we must not be left a hostage to fortune in terms of future
land development.
Mr Tierney:
When we referred to the urgency of the matter, we were not criticising your
committee - we appreciate that you were not consulted in a way which enabled
you to reach a decision - but the urgency lies with this Committee. We have
to present a case to the Assembly and make a recommendation on the way forward.
When we have heard all the evidence and there is no final decision from Belfast
City Council - a major player in the port - then it will become urgent. We
must know your final decision.
Mr Hanna:
It is important for us to know how urgent urgent is. There is a difference
between what is urgent and what is important. We do not know how quickly the
decision will be taken. Let us be honest: we were being bounced on the basis
that if this were not done, roads around the Province were not going to be
improved.
Wearing another hat, I could say that there may be a substantial argument
for saying that bypasses on the Westlink are a good thing, but normally, if
you go to hospital for a bypass, it is not because your circulation is good,
you go because you have a problem with it. We should reduce the amount of
traffic, get people to use public transport; we should not continue to swathe
roads through the city destroying inner-city communities; we should provide
adequate development that will create jobs.
Mr Dodds:
We appreciate what has been said, and we look forward to speaking to the
Committee again. If and when there is a new Minister we hope he will not just
come in and make a decision. Your Committee has an agenda, and we would also
need to talk to the new Minister or the existing one about this issue in some
detail so that he and the Assembly can take fully informed decisions. It is
an issue for us, and, much to our anger as a council, we have not been involved
as we should have been until recently. We will now be working hard and diligently
to take the matter forward.
The Chairman:
Thank you for the submission. We have had a good session; we did not expect
it to last quite so long. Some very important questions have been asked and
have been well answered. There will be another opportunity to talk to you on
22 April when you will, perhaps, elaborate on the responses you have given
today. Thank you very much.
Mr Stoker:
Have members received this framework document which relates to sustainable
urban development in the European Union?
The Chairman:
If it is left with the Committee Clerk I will make sure it is copied and
distributed. Again, thank you all very much.
AD HOC COMMITTEE
(PORT OF BELFAST)
MINUTES OF EVIDENCE THURSDAY 29 APRIL 1999
(Mr S Wilson in the Chair) Witnesses:
Mr C Doherty, Mrs M Breslin
Mr S McIlvenny and Mr S Gillespie
(Londonderry Port and Harbour Commissioners)
The Chairman:
Welcome to the Committee. We have all received your very comprehensive document.
We would like you to take about 10 minutes for a presentation and then
we will ask you some questions.
Mr Doherty:
The Londonderry Port and Harbour Commissioners are grateful for the opportunity
to appear before the Committee. We wish you every success as you undertake
the difficult task of shouldering the burden of political direction for us
at the dawn of a new millennium.
We wish to state from the outset that the Londonderry Port and Harbour Commissioners
are opposed to the transfer of the port of Belfast to the private sector. Such
an important and profitable transport infrastructure, well managed and operated,
should remain in the public sector where its assets and profits may be a source
of investment and an economic catalyst for the benefit of the stakeholders,
who are not only the harbour employees and its customers but the people of
the Province and beyond.
The Londonderry Port and Harbour Commissioners are charged with operating
at all times in the best interest of our port. We have therefore considered
the options for changing our status. The option to transfer the undertaking
into the private sector has only recently become available by way of legislation
enacted under the previous Administration.
It is our view that social performance is just as important as economic performance.
As a trust port we have a unique relationship with the Government, our customers
and our community. We are a part of the city that we work in, of the lives
of the people we employ and of the country and island that we live in. It would
be short-sighted to pretend otherwise. Adherence to an ideology is not sufficient
ground for contemplating a change of status: any change must demonstrate life-cycle
benefits to all interests. However, as one would expect of a board charged
with good corporate governance, we regularly give the issue an airing. Currently,
there is a consensus among the Commissioners that we should continue the existing
system of ownership.
Both Warrenpoint and Londonderry have elected to remain trust ports. It is
widely recognised both by the Government and by our customers, the port users,
that the Northern Ireland ports are efficient, cost-effective and
flexible insofar as they operate within restrictive legislation. The
Government have acknowledged that the trust port has an important part to play
in regional regeneration. Indeed, Warrenpoint was expressly set up for that
purpose in 1971. The Government and ports both now recognise the importance of
public facilities being strategically located in the south-east and north-west
of the Province. They can be catalysts for inward investment, underpinning
existing indigenous business and, therefore, jobs, and they can, if unshackled
from restrictive legislation, become regional and economic dynamos while
retaining their assets within the public sector.
To this end the Warrenpoint Harbour Authority and the Londonderry Port and
Harbour Commissioners have undertaken to produce new model legislation to
prevent this from happening. Many months of discussions and consultation have
produced the documentation which is enclosed with our submission. You will see
from that documentation that it is counsel's opinion that such powers might be
conferred by way of a Harbour Revision Order using the 1970 Act as a vehicle -
in other words, simple secondary legislation. It is our opinion that this is
the road that the port of Belfast should follow.
Mr Tierney:
You have told us, Mr Doherty, what Derry port is doing and what you are
pushing forward, and you have said that the port of Belfast is in a similar
situation. Can you give us an assessment of the detrimental effects on Derry,
Warrenpoint and other ports should what is proposed for Belfast actually
happen?
Mr McIlvenny:
This is a grey area, and it is difficult to give an answer. You will notice
that in trying to be extremely honest we included in our submission a report
from ERM Economics, a firm that was contracted by the Department of the
Environment to analyse the impact of a privatised port of Belfast upon the
ports of Larne, Derry and Warrenpoint. This report suggests that the impact on
Derry would be negligible, but it was written without any consultation with
Derry, and I understand that Larne and Warrenpoint were not consulted either.
We have the opinion of London-based consultants, although they have some
knowledge of Northern Ireland since they have done work for many ports
here.
Recently we tried to redress the balance by suggesting to the Department
that another report be produced, again using ERM Economics, but this time with
consultation with the ports. In my opinion that report, if it is published -
and I sincerely hope that it will be - will suggest that the effect on Derry
would be significant.
Derry is particularly peculiar in that it is geographically isolated in the
north-west, and that would protect some of its business. I have no doubt,
however, that a privatised port which was answerable to shareholders and
institutional investors would be compelled to develop its business. Its
profitability to shareholders, to investors, would come about by its
developing the business. Now if you, as a rough rule of thumb, consider the
gross domestic product (GDP) in Northern Ireland to be between 2% and
2½%, if nothing unexpected happened in the ports, you would expect growth to
be at about the same level. But if the port of Belfast were to grow
significantly, it could only grow at the expense of those other ports which
are closest to it - Warrenpoint and Derry.
So, to answer your question directly, it would not take very much business
to be removed from the north-west or the south-east for that to have a serious
impact upon those ports. Derry, for instance, is unique in that it is an "effective-bulk"
destination, and if you remove one of the major bulk customers, the impact
is severe.
Derry is a new port. To anyone from Derry I ask forgiveness - I know that
there has been a port there for 1,000 years. But we like to think that it is a
new port, five years old, in that it was relocated from inner-city Derry to
Lisahally. Thus it is brand new and in that sense under-infrastructured. We
carry a significant amount of current debt because we are trying to develop
the business and act as the engine of economic regeneration for the
north-west, one of the things that we were set up to do by Act of Parliament.
I am sorry if I sound a bit vague, but in our opinion the impact would be
severe simply because a privatised port of Belfast would have to reward its
shareholders by developing its business, and it could only grow above the level
of GDP by taking business from us.
Mr Campbell:
Mr McIlvenny's comments lead me on to my question. This discussion is
about Belfast port's possible change of status and whether that will have a
knock-on effect. You obviously feel strongly that it would have an effect on
Londonderry, and I am sure that Warrenpoint feels similarly. You will be aware
of the rationale behind the possible change of status and the amount of money
that would be tied up in capital roads programmes should that change in status
take place. Given the fact that both Londonderry and Warrenpoint have a
particular niche market at either end of the Province - albeit one that could
be eaten into by a radical change in Belfast - if we were faced with Belfast's
status quo not being tenable, we would obviously want to see what safeguards
could be built in, not only for Belfast but for Northern Ireland.
Have you looked at what possible options might safeguard not only
Londonderry port but the whole of Northern Ireland - quite apart from the
Belfast submission in relation to a public and private partnership? If there
were sufficient safeguards, if Londonderry and Warrenpoint ports were
safeguarded, and there was a move to enhance Belfast and help it to grow - but
not at the expense of Londonderry or Warrenpoint - is that something that you
would be prepared to contemplate? Or are you saying that maintaining the
status quo is the best option for Belfast as well as the rest of
Northern Ireland?
Mr McIlvenny:
It is our view that the assets should be retained in the public sector.
Belfast, along with Warrenpoint and Derry, should be allowed to act more
commercially. The outcome of our own review process and that of the Department
of the Environment, Transport and the Regions (DETR) in London suggests that
trust ports are doing a magnificent job. For the most part they are well-run,
well-managed, very efficient and cost-effective, but they are restricted by
the legislation under which they operate.
What we are saying is that Belfast port should be allowed to act more
commercially, and, in order to do that, it could, perhaps, acquire powers
similar to those Warrenpoint and Derry wish to achieve. This would enable them
to act as commercially as they like but also retain the assets and profits to
be reinvested in the business.
For instance, representatives from Belfast port will tell you - and may
already have told you - that the current restrictions on the Westlink are a
major impediment to doing business with the port of Belfast. I understand that
they have tried to do something about that in the past but were restricted by
the legislation under which they have to operate. They should be unfettered
and unshackled from restrictive legislation and permitted to operate under
legislation similar to that which we have proposed. This, we believe, would
not have to be primary legislation but could be done by simple harbour
provision order, which lies before Parliament for six weeks. If it is
supported by the Government, of course, there is no difficulty. With such
legislation they could double the size of the Westlink if they so wished; they
could dual the carriageway from Belfast to Warrenpoint if they thought it was
an imperative that would allow their business to grow.
I hope I have answered your question. What we are suggesting is that if the
appropriate legislation were in place, they could act as commercially as they
wished and could ensure that everything that the general public in Northern Ireland
and you, the elected Assembly, want to happen did happen.
Mr Campbell:
I have a brief question. Mr McIlvenny, you said in your submission
that Belfast growth could only come about at the expense of the other
ports'port-related activity.
Mr McIlvenny:
That is the case.
Mr Campbell:
Paragraph 2.4.1 of your submission is about the move to Lisahally and the
growth in throughput there. Between 1993 and 1996 there was - admittedly from
a small base - a 40% growth in throughput. The Belfast port has seen low
growth in the past three or four years. Presumably Londonderry's growth was
not at the expense of anyone else; it was just intrinsic growth in the
north-west. Do you see that growth continuing?
Mr McIlvenny:
It was because customers realised the benefits of the reduction in unit
costs from allowing bigger ships to come in - that was the rationale for
moving to Lisahally. There is a limit to how big Derry port can grow because
it is a bulk-import destination and its principal commodities are animal feed
and coal. The coal business is declining in most of the Province yet
consolidating in the north-west, although there is some decline taking place
there, and that will probably accelerate if other issues come into play.
Because we serve a rural and agricultural community we do not have a vast
industrial base like Belfast has. Animal feed was a major component for our
port, but BSE and the strong pound have put paid to that. Now we are
diversifying, and developing the ability to diversify, to create the unitised
business which is lo/lo and ro/ro. As our report says, that probably would not
happen if Belfast went into the private sector.
The Chairman:
I have a question on your porposals for restructuring or for changing the
port status as described, for instance, in section 6 of your document. On the
financing aspect your stated that the trust should be able to borrow and raise
money in any manner to secure the repayment of the money borrowed et cetera.
The Belfast Harbour Commissioners have said that if you were to diversify
in all of the other ways that you have talked about in previous sections of
the submission, the power to borrow would simply not be sufficient. There
needs to be access to equity capital. That was the rationale behind their
proposal for the public/private partnership, that there would be proper
gearing and leverage of funds. Your idea of diversification would be more
modest than Belfast port's. Are you satisfied that those extra financing
powers would be sufficient to enable any trust port to fulfil the kind of
diversification aspirations which are outlined in sections 1, 2 and 10 of your
proposed changes?
Mr McIlvenny:
Forgive me if I hesitate to comment on Belfast specifically, but this is
probably best demonstrated by giving an example. Our borrowing powers in Derry
are restricted to about £300,000 yet we have just come through a period during
which we have spent £30 million on constructing a new port. Clearly you could
not do that with a bank overdraft of £300,000.
Although restrictive, there is provision in the current legislation to allow
us to approach the Minister. We could simply write to him and say that the
port was going through a phase of expansion and that we needed him to lift
our borrowing requirement to £4 million. The Minister has done that on several
occasions in the past and I sincerely hope that he will do it in the future.
So the matter is controlled by the Minister although we have not found that
very restrictive in the past. We have had sufficient funds to allow us to do
what we wanted.
Dover Harbour Board, which runs one of the most successful trust ports in
the United Kingdom, invests tens of millions of pounds and is controlled
by similar legislation. They do not find it in any way restrictive. However,
one wonders how much more finance you would need if you had £20 million
cash in the bank.
The Chairman:
Your submission is somewhat similar to the view given by Belfast Harbour
Commissioners though it is at variance with some of the evidence we have
received from other people in respect of EC or EU grants. Paragraph 6.2
of your submission states
"it is most unlikely that EC funds will be available to ports in the
next, and subsequent, EC programmes".
Later in the submission there is a reference to the fact that you had
discussions with the Department of the Environment and with another
organisation whose name I cannot recall. The reference refers mostly to
Objective 1 status. Did you specifically raise the question of the
availability of infrastructure funds from the funding with the Department of
the Environment, and was that the information you were given?
Mr McIlvenny:
There is a great reluctance to allow the ports to access any more funds
from Europe in the structural funding programme post-1999. We put it to the
Department of Finance and Personnel, during the consultation process, that we
were a special case. We were a brand new port, we were under-infrastructured,
and we asked that it not let us swim by ourselves just yet.
There will be a change in emphasis in the new peace and reconciliation funding,
which I understand has been secured in Europe. It will be economic-regeneration
based, and we hope to tap into some of those resources.
We are about to go through a major expansion programme without the benefit
of structural funding. It is a major challenge for the port of Londonderry,
and we will be borrowing very significant sums of money to put the
infrastructure in place. We believe it is right and proper to do this to allow
not only the port but the north-west of the Province to benefit from the new
economic order which we hope is round the corner.
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