Northern Ireland Assembly Flax Flower Logo

Northern Ireland Assembly

Tuesday 4 December 2001 (continued)

The Minister of Education (Mr M McGuinness):

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. I apologise to the House and to Billy Hutchinson for not being here at the beginning of the debate. I was on my way to an important event in a school in north Belfast when I was told that this had been brought forward. Unfortunately, quite a few people are waiting for me in north Belfast, and I will go there as soon as this is finished.

Equality is a central tenet of the Good Friday Agreement, and as Minister of Education I am fully committed to ensuring that my Department's policies and actions promote equality for all our citizens. In taking forward my Department's responsibilities for the education of our children, I am determined to provide all our children with the best possible education - one that, in all respects, equips them to be citizens of the future. Raising standards in all schools is one of my key objectives, and I am taking forward a range of initiatives with that aim firmly in sight. This includes capital investment in our schools - including investment in information and communications technology - and the school improvement programme. That programme is designed to raise standards in all schools. It addresses issues such as literacy and numeracy, discipline, target setting, school development, planning, low achievement and underachievement, the massive expansion of pre-school education and the three major reviews of aspects of our education system - the post-primary review, the curriculum review and the consultation on LMS commonality.

Of course, investment in educational resources for the purpose of raising standards counts for little without highly skilled and motivated teachers. It is for that reason that I place great importance on our ongoing work to maintain and enhance the quality of teaching.

Teachers are the key to good education, and we are particularly fortunate in the quality of our teaching force. I have met many teachers in my position as Minister of Education, and I have been impressed constantly with their professionalism and dedication. Teachers should have a career and salary structure which recognises their skill and commitment, encourages their professional development and offers a tangible reward for their achievements.

The pay award negotiated in January 2001 by the teachers' salaries negotiating committee put in place a new salary structure. This was not imposed by me or by my Department. It was achieved through discussion and agreement with representatives from the education and library boards, the Council for Catholic Maintained Schools, the Governing Bodies Association, the Council for Integrated Education and the five accredited teaching unions. It is applied irrespective of religion, race or gender and in all schools - special, nursery and primary, secondary and grammar, controlled and maintained, integrated and Irish-medium.

The new structure is intended to complement the professional development of teachers and to give them the opportunity to advance their careers while remaining in the classroom. New teachers are required to complete an induction period of one year and two years early professional development. Following that they are encouraged to avail of continuing professional development opportunities.

The professional development of younger teachers is complemented by annual progression on the main salary scale, until the maximum is reached, usually after seven years. The introduction of threshold assessment allows those teachers to progress to a new upper salary scale, giving them an immediate annual increase from September 2000 - £2,076 from 1 April 2001 - with opportunities for further progression.

Before moving from the top of the nine-point main scale to the new upper salary scale, teachers must demonstrate that they have developed the competences required to become a teacher in the first place, so, in a sense, it is a standard of competence which is derived directly from the initial teacher training competences.

Threshold assessment is available to all teachers who have been at the top of the main salary scale for one year, based on their qualifications and experience. Those who apply must meet the four agreed threshold standards and produce practical evidence to show that they have met those standards for the past two or three years. The standards are core values - understanding of the curriculum, professional knowledge, teaching in assessment of learning, contribution to raising standards through pupil achievement and effective professional development. It is important that these standards are applied consistently and fairly and that the scheme is transparent, which is why the assessments are validated by external accredited assessors. Unsuccessful applicants receive feedback to help their professional development, and they have a right of appeal.

The assessors have been trained and accredited by the regional training unit (RTU). That unit also provided training for principals, who then trained the teachers in their schools. In most schools training was completed before the end of the summer term, and completed application forms had to be submitted to the principal by the end of September. Assessments by principals are now completed, and the external validation is under way. Several schools have already completed the assessment process, and many successful teachers have now received their increases, which were backdated to September 2000.

The assessment process for the first cohort of applications is expected to be concluded by Christmas. More than 13,000 of the 20,000 teachers here were eligible to apply in the first round, and almost all of them have done so. Indications from the applications processed so far are that the success rate will be high. Those teachers who were not eligible to apply this time may do so when they have progressed to the top of the main salary scale, and those who were unsuccessful may reapply.

Several issues were raised before I arrived. I will check Hansard and reply to the Members concerned. However, I want to mention some of the points raised.

12.30 pm

Éamonn ONeill raised the issue of costs. The cost in the current financial year will be approximately £50 million, and that includes the cost of arrears from September 2000. The expenditure is being met from additional funds held centrally by my Department for this purpose. Provision for implementation costs and threshold payments was added to the Department's budget in the comprehensive spending review.

Tom Hamilton and Éamonn ONeill raised the issue of principals and vice-principals. As we all know, the threshold arrangements do not apply to principals and vice-principals. However, the management side of the negotiating committee is considering their salary levels and differentials so that suitable candidates are not discouraged from seeking leadership posts. That is important.

Patricia Lewsley raised the issue of an independent inquiry. I think Éamonn ONeill also mentioned it. The call for an inquiry was made by the teachers' side as part of the 2001 pay claim and is still progressing through the negotiating committee. I have agreed to meet with both sides on 13 December to examine whether I can help advance matters further.

It is important to emphasise that the threshold arrangements were negotiated between the management side and the teachers' side after detailed discussions through their existing negotiating machinery. I welcomed their agreement, which both sides worked hard to reach last January. I want to assure the House that I am committed to ensuring that our teachers are properly awarded for their important contribution to society.

Mr McHugh:

Go raibh maith agat, a LeasCheann Comhairle. People may not have entirely indicated their willingness to support the amendment, but its objective was to achieve an outcome. It mentions the serious concerns that have been brought to me by teachers about the threshold assessment. Those concerns include equality issues and urging representatives from both sides to reach a situation where everyone feels equal. That was the thrust of the amendment. If people do not feel that they want to support it, I want Billy Hutchinson's motion to bring the need for a review to the attention of the Department. I accept the points that the Minister has made concerning the meeting that is to take place on 13 December.

Earlier, I stressed the point that both sides have negotiated this position. It will cost a considerable amount of money, and some other area of education may have to lose out - at least that is the way budgets normally work. It is important that all involved take another look at this matter. Negotiation can bring people to a point where everyone is dissatisfied. As far as we are concerned, the issues are outstanding, and they are of prime importance.

The Minister mentioned that equality is central to the Good Friday Agreement and that we are working for the benefit of all citizens. Our Republican belief that we cherish all our children equally is one that we carry strongly. The Minister mentioned raising standards and he spoke about pre-school education. That is where young teachers often start their career. They must wonder where their future will lie, and they must be looking at this particular situation.

Ken Robinson asked whether the issue was about retaining older staff or rewarding people for long service or particularly good service.

I cannot agree with some of the points made by Mr Gibson about the differences in the delivery of service. It is hard to say whether a young teacher is delivering on an equal basis with someone who has been teaching for a long time. Quite often it is about teamwork, and not about an individual teacher working in isolation in a school. Teachers must be able to work in an atmosphere where they are not at odds, and their future is not at odds, with what they do on a day-to-day basis. They want to be able to come up with good, new ideas, and not to have to keep them from others just in case those ideas would end up on the CV of another teacher who would get the extra £2,000 at the end of the year.

Teachers should be left to self-assess and to set their own targets. Female teachers are often overcritical of their own work and need support to self-assess positively. Teachers must be trusted to set targets and to self-assess with appropriate support that is unrelated to the immediate financial award. The outcome of the McCrone report in Scotland offers at least one alternative.

We have had a useful debate. Various issues have been raised, and I want to see them taken on board. I hope that the meetings with the Minister and those involved will achieve that. Go raibh maith agat.

Mr B Hutchinson:

We have had a very encouraging and informed debate, and I thank all Members who took part and those who listened. I accept that the Minister had a reason for being late. I realise that he missed my opening remarks, and I hope that when he has read Hansard he will answer any points that he may have missed.

I am concerned at Gerry McHugh's opening remarks about the amendment. There seems to be some confusion about the debate. There is an assumption that the local management of schools (LMS) is about money only. We have two main problems with LMS. If a school has low pupil numbers and the teachers are on point 9 of the scale, that school is crippled because the top wage has to be paid. If there are 12 teachers and 10 of them are on the top wage, the bill is crippling. Teachers who have been at a school for a long time have to be paid more, and that causes problems with a shrinking school. That must be recognised. It is not just a question of money, but of how we assess where the teachers should be on the pay scale.

Today's debate is not about teachers' pay - it is about the bonus and what that should based on. The bonus is based on the premise that anyone who has reached point 9, because they have served more than seven years as a teacher, is a good teacher, and they are going to bring the four standards that are outlined. My argument is that when young teachers qualify they sign up to the Jordanstown agreement - I nearly said the Good Friday Agreement - and those standards are contained in that agreement. From the day that a teacher starts work, he or she has already signed up to those four standards and should be meeting them.

Éamonn ONeill gave us some very helpful numbers - 232 and only about 10 rejections. A teacher who has been deemed unsatisfactory by the Department of Education can be paid that money - not because he is a good teacher, but because he is on point 9 and has given a certain length of service.

There is an inequality and an injustice here that need to be resolved. A principal can fail a teacher as far as a threshold assessment is concerned, but he can be overruled by an external validator. I know that there are difficulties with principals and vice-principals carrying out this role. However, they know their teachers best, and they know how they are performing on a daily basis. It is wrong that an external validator can contradict a principal.

I thank Ken Robinson for his recognition of young teachers. He gave a graphic description, which I could not give, as I was not a young teacher. I believe that Ken was a young teacher - some time ago. It is important that we understand what young teachers do without remuneration. We should recognise their enthusiasm and their contribution to the lives of many children.

I accept Ken Robinson's explanation of the reasons for the introduction of the threshold. However, once point 9 has been reached, we are effectively saying that there is something different about those people, and that they have reached the standard. If they then take redundancy, they are still entitled to the threshold payment. There is something wrong with that. Long-term substitute teachers also qualify for the payment. Should it be that a threshold is set at point 9, and once a teacher reaches that point and accepts redundancy, he can have his redundancy and the £2,000 threshold payment that he has qualified for? There is a contradiction in that premise, and it must be re-examined.

Ms Lewsley is correct when she says that differentials are being eroded by the exclusion of principals and vice-principals. In my opening remarks I mentioned that in a small rural school, there might be a difference in salary of only £200 per year between a principal and a teacher. As Tom Hamilton commented, who would want to take on all of those responsibilities for an extra £200 per year?

Mr ONeill gave us a timely history lesson. We should remember that the problems in teaching and in our schools go back to the era of Thatcherism. Thatcher destroyed the whole notion of education, even though she believed in "education, education, education". We now have people competing against one another. Education should not be about competition. It should be about producing fully rounded individuals and how we can get teachers to assist in that.

We have gone on about giving people bonuses. If this is a bonus, that is OK, but let us give people bonuses because they are good at their job, and not because they have been there for a long time.

Mr Gibson highlighted my point about improving teacher performance. Talking about threshold assessment in the same breath as improving teacher performance is making the assumption that length of service raises standards. Regardless of profession, excellence depends on the quality of the person and how good they are at the job, and it cannot be measured by experience or length of time in a job. It is handy to have experience, but it does not necessarily mean that you are better at the job than someone else.

Mr ONeill made the valid point that schools have always been in a dilemma about recognising competence. How do we recognise competence? Mr ONeill is correct, as was Ms Lewsley, on the issue of differentials. Differentials must be protected. Mr ONeill's point about using a salary scale as a progressive reward is correct.

The only way to reward teachers is to provide that they may start at a particular point and end up at another. Teachers should be rewarded because of the work that they do and what they achieve in their school. A review of teachers' pay may be the way forward, but progressive reward should be re-examined.

12.45 pm

The Deputy Speaker is sitting upright in his Chair so I assume that he wants me to hurry.

I recognise the work that the Minister of Education has done since he took office. I do not want to take away from what he and the Department of Education have achieved. He has made some brave decisions. The Minister mentioned raising education standards, school improvements and pre-school education. Those are all recognised as being valuable, as is the notion of post-primary education and the recent review of that. However, the motion is about the threshold agreement for Northern Ireland. It does not give equality to all members of the teaching profession. The Assembly must focus on that.

I am disappointed that the Minister focused on the other good things that he has done. However, I recognise those and I am sure that all Members recognise them and would not want to take away from those achievements.

Nevertheless, the motion is concerned with equality, and the threshold assessment does not give equality to all the teaching profession.

There are a number of problems in the teaching profession, and I tabled the motion because of the lack of equality within it. I emphasised the inequality shown to young teachers. Members must recognise that young teachers are working hard to attain additional qualifications to those they had when they entered the profession. They do it without any financial reward or support from the Department of Education or others.

Experience does not necessarily make good teachers; we must lay that ghost to rest. Mr McHugh mentioned that teachers meet the changes in the curriculum and everything else on a daily and yearly basis. It is therefore a difficult job, because the curriculum can change from year to year, or every couple of years.

Younger teachers bring new skills and new methods of teaching to the profession. A teacher should not have to wait seven years until he or she is on point 9 before receiving recognition for doing a good job in teaching. Young teachers are the leaders of the future and they will become leaders in our schools only because they themselves have qualified and have had the experience of teaching young people in classrooms.

Members must support the motion which will provide equality across the board, not only for vice-principals and principals, but for those young teachers who have to wait seven years before they qualify.

Question, That the amendment be made, put and negatived.

Main Question put and agreed to.

Resolved:

That this Assembly believes that the threshold assessment (Northern Ireland) does not give equality to all members of the teaching profession.

The sitting was suspended at 12.48 pm.

On resuming (Madam Deputy Speaker [Ms Morrice] in the Chair) -

2.00 pm

TOP

Sellafield Nuclear Plant

 

Mr McCarthy:

I beg to move

That this Assembly calls for the rundown and closure at the earliest possible date of the nuclear-processing activities carried out at Sellafield.

I thank my fellow Assembly Members for giving me the opportunity to bring this important issue to the Floor of the House. In so doing, they have allowed other Members to contribute to an important and ongoing debate.

From the outset, it has been acknowledged that the Assembly has no power or authority over what happens at Sellafield. However, we can at least express all our fears loudly and clearly. It seems that everyone in these islands and further afield is having his or her say, and demands are being made. If Prime Minister Tony Blair's statement in Dublin last week is anything to go by, many people still need to be convinced before there is real movement towards meeting the demands of this motion.

Sellafield is sited on the Cumbrian coast, a few miles across the Irish Sea from places such as Portavogie and Portaferry in east Down. When the plant first opened in the mid-1950s, it was called Windscale. Shortly after its opening, a reactor caught fire and created havoc, sending a dangerous cloud of fallout into the air over many towns in the north of England.

In the early 1970s, Windscale had another near miss. There was an accident in a plutonium-handling compartment, which had the potential to start a nuclear reaction similar to that experienced at Chernobyl. Swift reactions by staff prevented a full-scale disaster. After these mishaps, the site changed its name to Sellafield.

On this side of the Irish Sea, we have always had our suspicions about activities at the site and the possible consequences for marine life in the Irish Sea. In Northern Ireland, particularly along the east coast, we used to have a thriving fishing industry. Unfortunately, that is not the case today. It is possible that Sellafield may have had a hand in the demise of the fishing industry. There have been high levels of instances of cancer and leukaemia on the east coast, and the finger has been pointed at Sellafield.

On 3 October 2001, the Department for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs (DEFRA) in London announced that the manufacture of mixed oxide (MOX) fuel is justified in accordance with the requirements of European Community law. That statement is incredible, given that there has been widespread opposition to activities at Sellafield since the start of its operations. That announcement, coming some three weeks after the horrendous events of 11 September, is beyond belief. Have people in the Government taken leave of their senses? They must be aware of the concerns of a great many individuals, not only those on this side of the Irish Sea, but also those who live near the Sellafield plant.

In response to a journalist's queries about the risks associated with Sellafield, I referred to the number of jobs at the plant and the economic benefits of the enterprise. That aspect of the problem must be considered, and efforts must be made to attract more and safer employment to that area.

There are inconsistent reports on the introduction of the new MOX plant. It is said that the economic benefits of the new operation have been distorted. There is insufficient evidence to prove that the plant can attract enough customers. The viability of the plant is in doubt. There are also concerns about past data falsification incidents. A recent report by the Health and Safety Executive's Nuclear Installation Inspectorate revealed that individual workers had faked safety records. Furthermore, the continuous transportation of large cargoes of this substance across the Irish Sea would be extremely dangerous. If there were ever to be an accident involving one of these vessels, the consequences would be unthinkable.

Further alarming revelations have come to light in relation to security at the Sellafield plant. It has been alleged that a firm employed to guard Sellafield is partly owned by someone with close links to the Afghan terrorists. It has also been revealed that the person in question has a stake in a firm that supplies security systems to Sellafield and has intimate knowledge and access to highly sensitive data about the running of that plant. If there are suspicions attached to security at Sellafield, surely the public have a right to know.

The Irish Government have recognised the problem and are working to convince the British Government of the consequences of any disaster at Sellafield. We welcome their efforts to halt its expansion.

Friends of the Earth, Greenpeace and other environmentalists are working to see the MOX operation at Sellafield cancelled. A senior director of Greenpeace said that expanding the global trade in plutonium was dangerously irresponsible, especially at a time of huge global insecurity. A Friends of the Earth director also said that it beggared belief that the British Government could give the go-ahead to a process involving the use and transportation of plutonium, which can be used to make weapons. Producing MOX at Sellafield will make the world much less safe.

Those of us who live on the Ards Peninsula, with Strangford Lough on one side and the Irish Sea on the other, are particularly alarmed at the proposed MOX expansion. After the events of 11 September, public representatives have a duty to enlist the support of everyone who values a clean, safe environment to get the message across to the British Government. I note that our own Minister of the Environment, Mr Foster, is present, and I hope that he will question the Government's actions. We hope that the appropriate Department in London will take seriously the outcome of this debate, withhold any new licence for further activities at Sellafield and start the process of rundown and final closure of the plant.

Members must recognise that we have a potential time bomb only a few miles across the Irish Sea. After the events of 11 September and even this weekend's suicide bombings in Israel, anything is possible. God forbid that Sellafield should ever become a target. Not only this country but the entire British Isles and even further afield could be obliterated. Let us stop it now. I ask for the Assembly's support.

Mr McGrady:

I beg to move the following amendment: Delete all after "calls" and insert -

"for the withdrawal of the licence issued by the British Government to British Nuclear Fuels Ltd in respect of the full commissioning of the mixed oxide plant, and for the proper decommissioning of all nuclear reprocessing activities, leading to the rundown and closure of the plant at Sellafield in Cumbria."

I commend Mr McCarthy for giving us the opportunity to debate this important issue. It is very timely. The amendment stands in my name and that of my Colleague Arthur Doherty. I apologise on his behalf. He is absent, not out of disrespect to the House, but because his brother died yesterday.

The Sellafield nuclear reprocessing site has been the centre of controversy for decades; it is not a new problem. Many years have been spent trying to publicise the dangers inherent in such a site. Sellafield, with its multiplicity of operations, represents a potentially serious threat to these islands - to the environment, to public health and to safety.

My concerns about Sellafield include the continued reprocessing of spent nuclear fuels; the continued operation of old magnox reactors; the continued discharge of radioactive material into the Irish Sea; the storage on land of high-level radioactive waste in liquid form; the transportation of nuclear fuels up and down the Irish Sea to and from the site; safety management at the site, as mentioned by Mr McCarthy; and, particularly since 11 September, the risk of catastrophic accident or deliberate attack.

The commissioning of the mixed oxide plant - which is currently the subject of two legal cases, besides that which was heard at Hamburg last Monday - is an unjustified and unnecessary expansion of nuclear operations at Sellafield. The British Government approved licensing on 3 October despite opposition from Ireland, the Nordic countries and non-governmental organisations. It was clear that the permission was driven by the Exchequer and the public purse in the UK. Believe it or not, the MOX plant has yet to obtain consent from the Health and Safety Executive, yet it has been licensed to operate.

When the British Government issued the licence, they took advice from a low-level section of the Department of Trade and Industry. They did not wait for the report of the committee that they had appointed for that purpose, which is called OSPAN. The report has not yet been published, but there is an interim report that is disadvantageous to the decision that was made.

According to eminent scientists, particularly those of the Oxford research group, who have consistently asserted that there is no economic case for MOX, there is no economic justification for commissioning the plant. We must remember that the British Government keep arguing for that economic case.

In a critique of the Arthur D Little report, nuclear consultant Mike Sadnicki pointed out that the data falsification incident in September 1999 that Mr McCarthy mentioned significantly reduced the likelihood that Japanese utilities will sign MOX contracts with British Nuclear Fuels Ltd (BNFL). He concluded that if "very plausible" assumptions are made about Japanese markets and, more appropriately, the discount rates now being used, the plant might fail to cover even its own operating costs.

Only last week, one of Sellafield's main customers told a parliamentary subcommittee at Westminster that it wants to terminate its reprocessing contracts with BNFL because they are too costly.

2.15 pm

British Energy told MPs that it

"has never re-used any of the material produced because it would be uneconomic to do so, and this is likely to remain the case in the short to medium term. Reprocessing fuel is an unnecessary and costly exercise that British Energy cannot afford. Reprocessing produces materials that have no current economic value. There is no technical need for reprocessing".

British Energy further stated that

"most countries do not carry out reprocessing, recognising the economic drawbacks, and propose to directly dispose of their spent fuel".

Those arguments have been enunciated by the Oxford research group as reasons why the British Government should not have commissioned the mixed oxide plant. In the light of such professional advice and evidence, we must ask why the British Government and British Nuclear Fuels Limited persist with the operation of the thermal oxide reprocessing plant (THORP) and with the licensing of the MOX plant now coming into vogue. Available evidence from all sources flies in the face of the judgement made.

The Irish Government also believe that there is no economic justification of the commission of the mixed oxide plant. Their Minister for energy asserted last month that the British Government have

"bowed to spurious economic arguments by British Nuclear Fuels Ltd in favour of the MOX plant, and has ignored or rejected the real and genuine concerns about the plant expressed by over 2,000 respondents to the consultation process, including Ireland".

The Government of the Republic of Ireland and all other non-governmental organisations are fully justified in bringing legal actions against the British Government in respect of Sellafield and the commissioning of the new MOX plant.

There is no doubt that the level of radioactive discharges into the Irish Sea will increase. In 1985 a House of Commons Environment Select Committee report stated that Sellafield pumped a quarter of a tonne of highly radioactive plutonium into the Irish Sea. How much has gone into the Irish Sea on a day-to-day, month-to-month, and year-to-year basis since the early 1950s? A leaked British Nuclear Fuels Ltd document from June 2001 indicated that radioactive discharges from Sellafield will increase over the next three years. Such discharges will increase either two-fold or four-fold, peaking in time for the next meeting of the Environment Ministers at the OSPAR (Oslo-Paris Commission) North Atlantic Convention in 2003. The increased discharges fly in the face of the commitments that the British Government gave in 1998 to the OSPAR conference in Sintra, Portugal, to undertake to reduce radioactive discharges.

At the subsequent OSPAR conference in Valencia in June 2001, the countries decided that the policies agreed at the previous conference - to review discharge authorisation from the reprocessing plants with a view to implementing the non-reprocessing options for spent fuel - should be carried out as a matter of urgency. However, significantly, the UK, French, and Swiss Governments abstained from the vote. It was in fact a veto of the implementation of the policies of reduced discharges, on which they had already agreed. It was a technical loophole by which the two major nuclear powers, France and Britain, frustrated the agreement that had already been made - a total lack of honour on their part.

In July, the UK Environment Agency published its long-awaited proposals for the future regulation of radioactive waste disposal from Sellafield. The consultation period for those proposals ended yesterday. That is why this debate is so timely. It has been argued that none of the new liquid discharge limits imposed by the Environment Agency will in any way constrain British Nuclear Fuels Ltd from reaching full throughput in its two reprocessing plants. There must be progressive reductions in the actual discharges of radioactive and toxic wastes from Sellafield into the Irish Sea until they are totally eliminated.

Only last week, Britain's Minister of State for Industry and Energy, Brian Wilson, claimed that the Fianna Fáil advertisement in 'The Times' on 24 November against the MOX plant at Sellafield was not backed up by the Irish Government's own monitoring of Sellafield.

Mr Wells:

I notice that the hon Member is drawing his remarks to a close - he will be glad to know that there is no time limit, so I am not cutting in on his allocation.

Mr McGrady has spoken eloquently on the motion, but I cannot detect any great difference between the thrust of his argument and that put forward by Mr McCarthy, nor has he yet addressed the reasoning behind his amendment. It may be a tactical amendment and if so, that is fine. Is there any difference between what he is saying and what Mr McCarthy is saying? Will the Member be pushing his amendment to a vote?

Mr McGrady:

First, I assure the Member that the amendment is not tactical. In fact, I could have argued that the original motion was not competent because British Nuclear Fuels Ltd does not process materials at Sellafield - it reprocesses them. There is a huge technical difference.

Secondly, the amendment discusses the licence from the British Government to British Nuclear Fuels Ltd for the new MOX plant and calls for the complete rundown and closure of Sellafield. These are fundamental differences. I assume that my amendment would not have been accepted had it not been substantively different to the motion. I will proceed and not be presumed to be winding up, as Mr Wells thought.

The British Government accused the Irish Government of bad faith in that the former said that the latter, in their advert, had not heeded their own monitoring reports from Sellafield. It should be pointed out that the Radiological Protection Institute of Ireland (RPII) stated in its last report that discharges of radioactive waste into the Irish Sea from Sellafield continue to be a dominant source of contamination.

The RPII mentioned the re-mobilisation from sediments of historic discharges. That wonderful phrase simply means that the radioactive material that was theoretically meant to be embedded in the mud of the Irish Sea has been re-mobilised and is circulating. It was never intended that that should happen. There are several cases pending against the British Government, and I hope that they will come to fruition.

As Mr McCarthy said, this debate comes in the aftermath of the terrorist attacks in New York on 11 September. It is interesting to note that the World Information Service on Energy (WISE), which is a group of scientists based in Paris, undertook an assessment of the security risk at Sellafield prior to the terrorist attack in the USA. The report was published just after the horrific and horrendous events of 11 September. The report mentioned Sellafield as having one of the highest inventories of radioactive waste in the world. The report also presented Sellafield as an enormous security risk. That report was written before 11 September, although it was only published after that date.

For these reasons, and many others that would take too long to articulate, I commend the amendment to Mr McCarthy. At the end of the debate, there may be a composite motion that will be satisfactory to all Members.

Mr Shannon:

Sellafield is an issue that concerns us all, not only because we live on the Irish Sea coast but because, as Mr McGrady said, it highlights our direct concerns. We in the Ards area have talked about Sellafield often in recent weeks, not because we have nothing else to talk about, but because it is of great concern to people in the area. Ards Borough Council has debated it on three occasions.

Since the tragedies of 11 September, our fear has been that Sellafield would become a target. Before then, some people might have thought that our fears were extreme. It might be thought outrageous to suppose that Sellafield would be attacked. However, the Americans thought it was so incredible that anyone should decide to attack the twin towers that they used the World Trade Centre as a flight simulator crash exercise. That is, perhaps, an indication that they thought it would never happen. But it did happen. Think how easy it would be to hire a light aircraft out of a small airport - Newtownards airport being one example - and to fly across the Irish Sea to the nuclear power station. Again, some would suggest that that is ridiculous, but it is not. It could happen.

A few weeks ago, the press reminded us of Sellafield's vulnerability. RAF fighter jets were scrambled to patrol the skies over the plant for some five hours. Had anything happened they might have been just a little late, but they did respond. The call turned out to be a hoax, but it highlights the fears and misgivings of people in our Province, particularly the residents of my Strangford constituency and of the Ards borough.

For years we have worried about the health problems that may have been caused by the plant's proximity to our coast, but no one ever thought in their wildest dreams that the plant could be used to wipe out Northern Ireland in one foul act of inhumanity. The fallout from a nuclear explosion would kill everyone in the Strangford constituency - and a brave few other people as well. The land would be unable to sustain any life for hundreds, perhaps thousands, of years. That is the doomsday scenario, but it could happen if terrorists were to appoint themselves to carry it out. It is unlikely that any of us could survive the holocaust of a nuclear explosion and the resulting fallout.

Northern Ireland is one of only two parts of the United Kingdom without a nuclear bunker for shelter in the event of such an incident. That highlights - and is symptomatic of - how the rest of the United Kingdom views the people of Northern Ireland. In its debate, Ards Borough Council urged the Government to give strong, solid assurances that Sellafield is protected.

It is typical of the English to persist with a white elephant, even though the rest of the world tells them to stop. We have seen that stubbornness in the ruin of our National Health Service by an idiotic policy that has been pressed into service by Governments. The peace process in Northern Ireland is riddled with skulduggery and cheating to make it work and make it fit, even though the people can see that it is a fallacy.

The Government want to expand the Sellafield plant. They have tried to assure us that any emissions from it will be minimal and have no impact. I asked the Minister of the Environment that very question, and his response was that they are of "negligible radiological significance". What does that mean if, in perhaps ten years' time, we find out that that "negligible radiological significance" is greater than scientists thought today?

The coast of County Down has the highest incidence of cancer in the United Kingdom. There are clusters of cancer groups where people feel a greater impact from cancer, more have the disease and more receive treatment than in other parts of the Province.

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Are the Government's statements as truthful as they would have us believe? They have a less than brilliant track record for honesty; Members need only look at the BSE crisis, which continues to cause trauma.

The reprocessing plant's emissions are in excess of the recommended European Union levels. Members must take that issue on board, because we are concerned about the fact that the emissions recorded along the coast of County Down and in the rest of the United Kingdom are above accepted levels in other parts of Europe and elsewhere. Can we, therefore, deduce that the Government are telling us one thing and the European Union is telling us another? Who should we believe?

Given the British Government's track record, we should consider the European Union's advice. We should support the motion and the comments that Members put forward. Members should agree with Mr McGrady's amendment; it is acceptable. We should collectively support the campaign for the closure of Sellafield.

The press have reported that the radioactive discharges from Sellafield are to increase, and that is of deep concern to us. The increase could be detrimental both to the communities that live near the Irish Sea and to the fishing industry. Mr McGrady, Mr Wells, Mr McCarthy and I represent areas with sizeable fishing communities, and we are concerned about the impact that increased emissions would have on them.

Sellafield poses an unacceptable risk to all those who live and work close to it. I have fears about the security around the site as the war on the Taliban threatens to escalate. The fact that the RAF scrambled jets is a good sign that the Government consider the threat to be real, but for jet fighters to appear after there has been a threat is insufficient to prevent an attack. If the threat had been real, the plant would have already erupted into flames, emitting radioactive material. The planes would have arrived too late, and the population of Strangford and the Down coast would have been decimated. The only way to prevent such an accident - whether that be as the result of human error or terrorist attack - is to close the plant until such times as the Government can be trusted to tell us the truth and guarantee us the safety that we demand.

The Chernobyl incident in the 1980s was a shock to us, yet we may have become a bit complacent about it. Were Sellafield to close today, we would still have to live with its legacy for thousands of years. However, were the move made to close it today, at least that would be a start.

Can any Member imagine people in other parts of the world campaigning for the children of Ards, Strangford and the Down coast in the way that they do for the children of Chernobyl? After Chernobyl, we were afraid, and we were told to be cautious about drinking milk in case radiation had filtered through the grass into the food chain.

In the past, we were eager to accept Government statements as to whether things were OK. However, recently the Government have proven to be unreliable, and we must demand that action be taken because we, as citizens of the United Kingdom, deserve to have our national security taken seriously. I agree with Mr McGrady's amendment.

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